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Biblical  Introduction  Series 

THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER 
SACRED  WRITINGS 

THEIR  ORIGIN,  CONTENTS, 
AND  SIGNIFICANCE 


BY 

FREDERICK  CARL  EISELEN 

Professor  of  Old  Testament  Interpretation 
in  Garrett  Biblical  Institute 


THE     METHODIST     BOOK     CONCERN 

NEW   YORK  CINCINNATI 


11 


Copyright,  1918,  by 
FREDERICK  CARL  EISELEN 


The  Bible  text  used  in  this  volume  is  taken  from  the  American  Standard  Edition 
of  the  Revised  Bible,  copyright,  1901,  by  Thomas  Nelson  &  Sons,  and  is  used  by 
permission. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

PREFACE 7 

I.     HEBREW  POETRY 9 

II.     THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 37 

III.  THE  WISDOM  LITERATURE  OF  THE  HEBREWS  . .  81 

IV.  THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 93 

V.    THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 123 

VI.     THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 163 

VII.     THE  BOOK  OF  RUTH 187 

VIII.     THE  BOOK  OF  LAMENTATIONS 197 

IX.    THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 211 

X.    THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER 233 

XI.     THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 249 

APPENDIX  TO  CHAPTER  XI 283 

XII.    THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 289 

APPENDIX  TO  CHAPTER  XII 313 

XIII.    THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 317 

INDEX 339 


PREFACE 

THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS  repre- 
sents Volume  III  in  a  series  of  books  intended  to  furnish 
a  scholarly,  nontechnical  Introduction  to  the  entire  Old 
Testament.  Volume  I  has  already  appeared  under  the 
title  THE  BOOKS  OF  THE  PENTATEUCH.  The  present 
volume  discusses  the  origin,  contents,  and  significance  of 
the  books  included  in  the  third  division  of  the  Hebrew 
Bible,  known  as  The  Writings;  they  are  treated  in  the 
order  in  which  they  appear  in  the  common  editions  of 
the  Hebrew  Bible.  Volume  II,  which  will  be  ready  for 
publication  in  the  near  future,  will  deal  with  the  remain- 
ing books  of  the  Old  Testament,  forming  the  second  divi- 
sion of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  and  called  by  the  Jews  The 
Prophets. 

For  a  statement  of  the  aims  and  principles  which 
guided  the  author  and  a  description  of  the  method  of 
treatment,  the  reader  may  turn  to  the  Preface  of  Vol- 
ume I. 

FREDERICK  CARL  EISELEN. 

Evanston,  Illinois. 


CHAPTER  I 
HEBREW  POETRY 


CHAPTER  I 
HEBREW  POETRY1 

HEBREW  poetry  reaches  back  to  the  most  ancient  recol- 
lections of  the  people  of  Israel.  As  seems  to  have  been 
the  case  with  other  nations  of  antiquity,2  poetry  was  the 
form  in  which  the  earliest  literary  efforts  of  the  Hebrews 
found  expression ;  and  even  the  earliest  poetic  efforts  had 
to  do  with  all  conditions  and  experiences  of  life  that 
yielded  themselves  to  poetic  treatment. 

The  Old  Testament  has  preserved  a  large  amount  of 
this  poetry,  chiefly  religious  poetry;  but  there  are  refer- 
ences showing  that  much  of  it  has  been  lost.  For  in- 
stance, reference  is  made  to  the  Book  of  the  Wars  of 
Yahweh*  and  the  Book  of  Yashar*  evidently  the  names 
of  collections  of  songs  and  poems  earlier  than  any  of 
those  now  found  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.5  Besides, 
there  are  allusions  here  and  there  to  the  existence  of 
other  poetic  compositions6  and  to  the  use  of  songs  at 
banquets  and  similar  festal  occasions.7  Some  poems  and 
poetic  fragments  have  been  preserved  in  the  so-called 

1  Since  some  of  the  most  important  books  among  the  Writings  are  in 
poetic  form,  it  seems  desirable  to  devote  a  chapter  to  a  discussion  of 
the  general  characteristics  of  Hebrew  poetry. 

2  C.  F.  Kent,  The  Songs,  Hymns,  and  Prayers  of  the  Old  Testament, 

P- 3- 

3  Num.  21.  14. 

4  Josh.  10.  13;  2  Sam.  i.  18. 

6  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  pp.  259,  293,  294. 

6  For  example,  i  Kings  4.  31-33. 

7  Gen.  31.  27;  2  Sam.  19.  35;  Amos  6.  5;  Isa.  5.  12;  16.  10,  etc. 

ii 


:.  .THE. PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

historical  books.8  The  first  specimen  is  the  Song  of 
Lamech,  or  of  the  Sword,  in  Gen.  4.  23,  24;  but  from 
there  on  poetic  compositions  appear  again  and  again.9 
The  prophetic  books  also  contain  many  fine  specimens  of 
poetry,  and  frequently  the  prophets  rise,  in  their  dis- 
courses, to  an  elevated  poetic  style  which  cannot  easily 
be  distinguished  from  the  poetry  in  the  Psalter.10  In 
addition  to  these  poetic  sections  embedded  in  prose,  there 
are  five  books  in  the  Old  Testament  which  consist  entirely, 
or  almost  so,  of  poetic  compositions.  These  are  the  books 
of  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Job,  Song  of  Songs,  and  Lamenta- 
tions. The  book  of  Ecclesiastes  is  a  mixture  of  poetry 
and  prose. 

Essential  Characteristics  of  Poetry.  The  English 
term  "poesy"  or  "poetry,"  like  its  Greek  original,  TTOLTJOI^ 
may  be  applied  to  all  artistic  literary  productions  in  which 
the  imagination  plays  an  important  part.  Poetry  in  a 
wider  sense,  therefore,  is  not  necessarily  associated  with 
verse  or  rime;  it  may  find  expression  in  prose,  and,  in 
point  of  fact,  often  has  done  so  both  in  ancient  and  mod- 
ern times.  In  the  present  discussion,  however,  the  term 
is  used  in  a  narrower  sense,  poetry  in  form  as  well  as  in 
substance. 

Poetry  has  been  variously  described  or  defined  by 
modern  literary  critics.  A  convenient  definition  is  that 
of  Leigh  Hunt,  who  says :  "Poetry  ...  is  the  utterance 
of  a  passion  for  truth,  beauty,  and  power,  embodying  and 
illustrating  its  conceptions  by  imagination  and  fancy,  and 
modulating  its  language  on  the  principle  of  variety  in 


8  From  Genesis  to  Esther. 

9  See  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  Chap.  XVI. 

10  See  G.  B.  Gray,  Commentary  on  the  Book  of  Isaiah,  I-XXXIX 
sections  44-57,  on  "The  Poetical  Forms  in  the  Prophetic  Literature." 


12 


HEBREW  POETRY 

uniformity.11  This  definition  recognizes  three  essential 
characteristics  of  all  true  poetry:  (i)  The  substance  is 
something  that  grips  the  emotions — it  is  the  utterance  of 
a  passion  for  truth,  beauty,  and  power.  Poetry  springs 
from  quickened  emotions;  hence  it  arouses  the  emotions. 
(2)  Its  presentation  is  imaginative — literalism  is  dis- 
carded and  imagination  is  given  full  sway  in  the  presenta- 
tion of  the  substance.  (3)  The  inevitable  result  is  the 
use  of  an  emotional,  exalted  style,  a  style  marked  by  the 
lively  swing  called  rhythm. 

The  following  lines  from  In  Memoriam  illustrate  these 
three  essential  characteristics  of  true  poetry : 

Perplexed  in  faith,  but  pure  in  deeds, 

At  last  he  beat  his  music  out; 

There  lives  more  faith  in  honest  doubt, 
Believe  me,  than  in  half  the  creeds. 

The  substance  grips  the  deepest  emotions — the  strug- 
gle of  a  perplexed  soul,  the  presentation  is  imaginative, 
the  form  of  expression  is  rhythmical. 

Rhythm  in  poetry  may  be  defined  as  the  harmonious 
repetition  of  fixed  sound  relations.  These  sound  rela- 
tions may  be  determined  either  on  the  basis  of  quantity 
or  time ;  that  is,  the  regulated  succession  of  long  and  short 
syllables,  or  on  the  basis  of  accent  or  stress;  that  is,  the 
regulated  succession  of  accented  and  unaccented  syllables. 
The  units  formed  by  each  fixed  group  of  sound  relations 
are  called  feet,  or  meters,  or  measures.  A  method  of 
emphasizing  the  rhythm,  which  may  or  may  not  accom- 

11  Imagination  and  Fancy,  p.  I.  Practically  the  same  ideas  are  ex- 
pressed by  C.  F.  Kent,  when  he  defines  poetry  as  "the  imaginative  and 
rhythmic  expression  of  the  insight,  the  feeling,  and  the  creative  thought 
of  an  inspired  soul"  (The  Songs,  Hymns,  and  Prayers  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, p.  3).  Creative  power,  which  Kent  considers  an  essential  element 
of  all  true  poetry,  is  a  sequel  of  the  stirring  of  the  emotions. 

13 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

pany  the  use  of  the  fixed  sound  relations,  is  the  use  of 
rime;  that  is,  the  correspondence  in  sound  of  the  final 
syllables  in  the  lines. 

In  ancient  classical  poetry — Sanskrit,  Greek,  and  Latin 
— the  rhythm  is  produced  by  the  regulated  succession  of 
long  and  short  syllables.  Early  poetry  shows  only  iso- 
lated cases  of  rime,  and  these  may  be  due  to  accident.  As 
a  common  mark  of  poetry  it  seems  to  have  been  intro- 
duced by  early  Christian  poets,  and  it  reached  a  high 
degree  of  perfection  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centu- 
ries of  the  Christian  era.  In  modern  poetry  rime  is  used 
extensively;  it  renders  the  rhythm  more  distinct  and  ap- 
preciable than  the  other  methods  by  themselves  could  do. 
It  is  for  this  reason  that  in  French,  where  the  accents 
are  so  weak  that  verse  without  rime  is  almost  indistin- 
guishable from  prose,  poetry  without  rime  has  never  been 
fully  developed. 

The  regulated  succession  of  long  and  short  syllables,  as 
a  method  of  marking  rhythm,  has  practically  disappeared 
from  modern  Western  poetry.  The  two  methods  com- 
monly used  are  rime  and  the  regulated  succession  of 
accented  and  unaccented  syllables.  Sometimes  the  two 
characteristics  are  found  together.  Frequently,  however, 
rime  is  absent ;  in  such  cases  the  rhythm  is  marked  solely 
by  the  regulated  succession  of  accented  and  unaccented 
syllables,  which  form  of  poetry  is  known  as  "blank 
verse."  Blank  verse  may  be  illustrated  by  these  lines 
from  the  Drama  of  the  Exile: 

If  them  hadst  gazed  upon  the  face  of  God 
This  morning  for  a  moment,  thou  hadst  known 
That  only  pity  fitly  can  chastise, 
Hate  but  avenges. 

The  combination  of  the  regulated  succession  of  ac- 

14 


HEBREW  POETRY 

cented  and  unaccented  syllables  and  rime  is  seen  in  the 
stanza  from  In  Memoriam,  quoted  above.12 

Characteristics  of  Hebrew  Poetry.  The  ancient  He- 
brews were  intensely  religious,  a  characteristic  shared  by 
all  Semites.  The  interest  in  religion  furnished  a  vast 
amount  of  "emotional"  material  that  yielded  itself  readily 
to  poetic  treatment.  But  leaving  religion  entirely  out  of 
consideration,  the  genius  of  the  entire  Semitic  race,  in- 
cluding the  Hebrews,  was  emotional.  "These  peoples," 
says  A.  R.  Gordon,  "were  all  the  children  of  passionate 
feeling.  And  the  Hebrews  shared  to  the  full  in  the  com- 
mon race  temperament.  They  loved  intensely,  and  they 
hated  intensely."13  Thus,  even  apart  from  religion,  the 
Hebrew  spirit  contained  within  itself  the  potentiality  of 
great  poetry.  As  orientals  the  Hebrews  were  richly  en- 
dowed with  the  powers  of  imagination  that  are  essential 
in  the  production  of  sublime  poetic  compositions.  But 
wherever  these  two  characteristics  are  present,  rhythmic 
expression  follows  naturally  and  inevitably.14 

Though  the  presence  of  poetry  in  the  Old  Testament 
has  always  been  recognized  by  careful  students,  until 
modern  times  no  one  seemed  to  know  what  were  the  ex- 
ternal marks  that  distinguished  Hebrew  poetry  from 

12  In  some  instances,  especially  in  the  case  of  poetry  intended  to  be 
sung,  the  "sound  relations"  are  more  or  less  vague;  and  it  almost 
seems  as  if  rime  furnished  the  only  external  mark  of  poetry.    Compare, 
for  example,  the  stanza: 

"Just  as  I  am,  without  one  plea, 
But  that  thy  blood  was  shed  for  me, 
And  that  thou  bidst  me  come  to  thee, 
O  Lamb  of  God,  I  come." 

13  The  Poets  of  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  1,2. 

14  The  influence  of  Semitic  racial  characteristics  on  the  development 
of  early  Semitic  poetry  is  fully  discussed  in  G.  A.  Smith,  The  Early 
Poetry  of  Israel,  especially  Chapter  II. 

15 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

prose.15  Indeed,  it  was  not  until  1753  that  the  study  of 
Hebrew  poetry  was  placed  on  a  solid  basis.  The  merit  of 
discovering  the  chief  characteristic  of  Hebrew  poetry 
belongs  to  Bishop  Robert  Lowth,  at  the  time  professor 
of  poetry  at  Oxford,  who  published  in  the  year  mentioned 
the  results  of  his  investigations  in  a  book  entitled  De 
Sacra  Poesi  Hebraorum  Prcelectiones  Academics.  He 
pointed  out  that  the  rhythm  of  Hebrew  poetry  was  not 
marked  primarily  by  rime,  nor  the  regulated  succession 
of  accented  and  unaccented  syllables,  nor  the  regulated 
succession  of  long  and  short  syllables,  but  by  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  lines  according  to  sense.  This  peculiarity  he 
called  "parallelism  of  members,"  by  which  he  meant  the 
parallel  arrangement  of  two  clauses  of  approximately 
the  same  length,  the  second  of  these  sustaining  a  vital 
relation  to  the  thought  of  the  first  line.  For  this  paral- 
lelism of  members  it  is  not  necessary  to  have  agreement 
in  thought ;  the  parallelism  may  be  in  form  only ;  in  such 
v  cases  the  second  line  may  express  the  very  opposite 

thought,   or   may   advance   or   otherwise   complete   the 
thought  of  the  first  line. 

15  The  statements  of  ancient  writers  on  the  subject  of  Hebrew  poetry 
were  inspired  more  by  a  "desire  to  assimilate  Hebrew  poetry  to  the  great 
productions  of  the  classic  nations  with  which  they  were  familiar," 
than  by  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  facts.  Thus  Josephus  states 
that  Exod.  15  and  Deut.  32  were  written  in  hexameters,  and  he  men- 
tions the  use  of  several  other  meters  in  the  Psalms.  Similar  claims 
were  made  by  Eusebius  and  Jerome;  but  a  study  of  Hebrew  poetry 
itself  makes  it  clear  that  whatever  elements  of  truth  these  statements 
may  contain,  they  can  in  no  sense  be  accepted  as  final.  During  the  Middle 
Ages  little  advance  was  made  toward  an  understanding  of  the  form  of 
Hebrew  poetry:  Christian  interpreters  were  interested  almost  ex- 
clusively in  the  contents,  and  the  Jewish  rabbis,  though  some  alluded 
incidentally  to  what  were  later  found  to  be  essential  characteristics  of 
Hebrew  poetry,  failed  to  carry  their  discoveries  to  their  logical  con- 
clusions. 

16 


HEBREW  POETRY 

These  differences  did  not  escape  Lowth,  and  in  explana- 
tion of  them  he  distinguished  three  types  of  parallelism: 

(1)  Synonymous  parallelism:     Parallel  arrangement 
in  which  the  second  line  contains  a  thought  identical  with 
or  similar  to  the  thought  of  the  first  line.    For  example, 

But  his  delight  is  in  the  law  of  Jehovah; 

And  on  his  law  doth  he  meditate  day  and  night.16 

Sometimes  practically  the  same  words  are  used  in  the 
two  lines : 

For  in  a  night  Ar  of  Moab  is  laid  waste,  and  brought  to  nought; 
For  in  a  night  Kir  of  Moab  is  laid  waste,  and  brought  to  nought.17 

(2)  Antithetic  parallelism:    The  thought  of  the  first 
line  is  emphasized  by  calling  attention  to  a  contrast,  the 
second  line  expressing  the  opposite  thought.     This  kind 
of  parallelism  is  used  especially  in  gnomic  or  didactic 
poetry.    For  example, 

A  wise  son  maketh  a  glad  father; 

But  a  foolish  son  is  the  heaviness  of  his  mother.18 

(3)  Synthetic  or  constructive  parallelism:    The  second 
line  contains  neither  a  repetition  of  the  thought  of  the 
first  line,  nor  a  contrast  to  it,  but  in  various  ways  advances 
or  completes  it.     There  may  be  a  simple  completion  of 
the  thought;  for  example, 

Yet  I  have  set  my  king  10 

Upon  my  holy  hill  of  Zion.19 

Or,  the  second  line  may  furnish  a  comparison;  for  ex- 
ample, 

Better  is  a  dinner  of  herbs,  where  love  is, 
Than  a  stalled  ox  and  hatred  therewith.20 

"   16  Psalm  1.2.  19  Psalm  2.  6. 

17  Isa.  15.  I.  20  Prov.  15.  17. 

18  Prov.  10.  I. 

17 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

In  other  cases  the  second  line  supplies  a  motive;  for 
example, 

Answer  not  a  fool  according  to  his  folly, 
Lest  thou  also  be  like  unto  him.21 

These  are  the  three  types  of  parallelism  recognized  by 
Lowth;  and  while  it  would  be  possible  to  make  further 
subdivisions,  for  all  practical  purposes  his  classification 
is  sufficient.  It  has  become  customary,  however,  to  add 
at  least  one  more  type. 

(4)  Climactic  parallelism:  The  first  line  leaves  the 
thought  incomplete;  the  second  repeats  certain  words 
from  it  and  then  goes  on  to  complete  the  thought;  for 
example, 

Ascribe  unto  Jehovah,  O  ye  sons  of  the  mighty, 
Ascribe  unto  Jehovah  glory  and  strength.22 

The  same  phenomenon  is  known  also  as  Ascending 
Rhythm,  a  designation  used  especially  of  the  peculiar 
stairlike  movement23  found  in  some  of  the  Pilgrim 
Psalms,24  where  an  emphatic  or  significant  word  is  car- 
ried over  from  one  line  or  stanza  to  the  next.  For 
example, 

I  will  lift  up  mine  eyes  unto  the  mountains: 

From  whence  shall  my  help  come? 

My  help  cometh  from  Jehovah, 

Who  made  heaven  and  earth. 

He  will  not  suffer  thy  foot  to  be  moved: 

He  that  keepeth  thee  will  not  slumber. 

Behold,  he  that  keepeth  Israel 

Will  neither  slumber  nor  sleep.25 

21  Prov.  26.  4. 

-  22  Psaim  29.  i. 

23  G.  A.  Smith  calls  it  "Spiralism,"  The  Early  Poetry  of  Israel,  p.  13. 
•*  **  Psalms  120-134. 

-  *  Psalm  121.  1-4.    The  italics,  not  found  in  the  American  Revised 
Version,  are  introduced  here  to  call  attention  to  the  significant  expres- 
sions. 

18 


HEBREW  POETRY 

Bishop  Lowth's  theory  that  parallelism  of  members  is 
the  chief  characteristic  of  Hebrew  poetry  is  universally 
accepted.  But  it  is  not  without  its  difficulties.  After  all, 
parallelism  seems  too  narrow  a  term  to  fit  all  the  facts.  It 
is  almost  impossible  to  stretch  its  meaning  sufficiently 
to  satisfy  all  Old  Testament  poetry.  Many  of  the  stanzas 
are  synthetic,  and  in  these  there  is,  strictly  speaking,  no 
parallelism  at  all.  Nevertheless,  with  due  recognition  of 
the  difficulties,  parallelism  of  members  as  defined  and 
described  by  Lowth  must  be  regarded  as  a  prominent 
factor  in  all  Old  Testament  poetry. 

Until  recently  it  was  thought  that  parallelism  of  mem- 
bers as  a  determining  principle  of  poetic  art  was  peculiar 
to  the  Hebrews,  though  incidentally  it  might  be  used  by 
the  poets  of  other  nations  and  races.  Later  the  discovery 
that  the  poetry  of  the  Babylonians  and  Egyptians  was 
constructed  on  the  same  principle,  led  to  attempts  to  trace 
the  origin  of  this  parallelism  to  one  or  the  other  of  these 
two  civilizations  with  the  assumption  that  the  Hebrews 
derived  it  from  them.  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that 
traces  of  the  same  kind  of  parallelism  are  found  in  the 
poetry  of  other  ancient  peoples;  and  that  numerous  mod- 
ern illustrations  can  be  found  which  cannot  be  explained 
as  dependent  on  biblical  poetry.  True,  modern  classic 
poetry  has  largely  discarded  it,  but  popular  poetry,  and 
poetry  imitating  folk  songs,  still  make  use  of  it.26 

Whatever,  therefore,  the  influence  of  Babylon  or 
Egypt  on  the  development  of  Hebrew  poetry  may  have 
been,  the  origin  of  parallelism  as  an  essential  factor  in 
poetry  must  be  sought,  as  first  suggested  by  Herder,  in 
the  "responsive  mode  of  primitive  folk-song.  .  .  .  The 

26  Numerous  illustrations  of  parallelism  in  popular  poetry  are  given 
by  G.  A.  Smith,  Early  Poetry  of  Israel,  pp.  15,  j6. 

19 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

parallel  lines,  as  it  were,  come  dancing  to  meet  each  other, 
like  the  singing  choruses  that  gave  them  form."  27  Speak- 
ing of  the  parallel  lines,  Herder  says:  "They  sustain, 
uplift,  and  strengthen  each  other  in  their  counsel  or  their 
joy.  This  result  is  obvious  in  songs  of  triumph.  The 
effect  aimed  at  through  the  mournful  notes  of  sorrow,  on 
the  other  hand,  is  that  of  the  sigh  or  lamentation.  As 
the  very  drawing  of  the  breath  seems  to  support  and  com- 
fort the  soul,  so  does  the  other  half  of  the  chorus  share 
in  our  sorrow,  becoming  the  echo,  or,  as  the  Hebrews  say, 
the  daughter  of  our  expression  of  grief.  In  didactic  odes 
the  one  line  strengthens  the  other.  It  is  as  though  the 
father  spoke  to  his  son,  and  the  mother  repeated  his 
words.  The  counsel  thus  becomes  so  very  true,  cordial, 
and  intimate.  In  love  songs,  again,  we  have  sweet  lovers' 
talk — a  real  interchange  of  hearts  and  thoughts.  In  fine, 
so  simple  a  bond  of  family  affection  is  formed  between 
the  two  parallel  expressions  of  feeling,  that  I  may  readily 
apply  to  them  the  words  of  the  tender  Hebrew  ode 
(Psalm  13$) ,'Behold,  how  good  and  how  pleasant  it  is 
for  brethren  to  dwell  together  in  unity'  .  .  ,"28  G.  A. 
Smith  explains  the  wide  prevalence  of  parallelism  in  early 
poetry  in  these  words :  "The  fact  is,  poetry  was  primi- 
tively the  art  of  saying  the  same  beautiful  things  over 
and  over  again  in  similarly  charming  ways,  which  rimed 
and  sang  back  to  each  other,  not  in  sound  only  but  in 
sense  as  well.  'Deep  calleth  unto  deep/  tree  to  tree,  bird 
to  bird,  all  the  world  over.  The  heart  of  the  poet  is 
full  of  such  natural  antiphons,  he  knows  many  metaphors 
for  the  thing  which  he  loves  or  hates,  and  he  will  put 

27  A.  R.  Gordon,  The  Poets  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  14. 

28  J.  G.  von  Herder,   Vom  Geist  der  Hebraeischen  Poesie,  in  Werke, 
vol.  xi,  p.  237. 

20 


HEBREW  POETRY 

them  over  against  each  other;  more  careful  at  first  that 
they  are  balanced  in  meaning  than  in  rhythm,  though  as 
his  art  develops  he  will  control  this  also  to  regularity. 
Like  the  musician  (and  the  early  poet  always  was  a 
musician  as  well),  he  instinctively  gives  us  variation  upon 
variation  of  the  same  theme."29 

Meter  in  Hebrew  Poetry.  The  fact  that  practically  all 
ancient  and  modern  poetry  outside  of  the  Old  Testament 
is  constructed  according  to  clearly  defined  systems  of 
meter  has  inspired  numerous  efforts  to  discover  a  metrical 
system  in  Hebrew  poetry.  The  theories  proposed  ex- 
haust all  the  possibilities  imaginable :  some  scholars  have 
marked  beats,  some  quantity,  some  accents;  some  have 
combined  the  first  or  second  with  the  third;  some  have 
taken  the  syllable  as  the  determining  unit,  some  the  word ; 
some  have  built  their  theories  upon  the  Hebrew  text  as 
it  stands,  others  have  taken  all  kinds  of  liberty  with  it.30 
As  a  result  of  these  numerous  and  prolonged  investiga- 
tions, the  confident  assertion  of  Kuenen  that  Hebrew 
poetry  is  without  meter  may  safely  be  displaced  by  the 
equally  confident  statement  that  Hebrew  poetry  is  con- 
structed according  to  a  metrical  system.  Even  as  the 
text  now  stands  a  large  portion  of  Hebrew  poetry  is  fully 
metrical,  while  another  large  portion  shows  but  few  irreg- 
ularities. 

The  determining  factor  in  the  Hebrew  metrical  system 
is,  as  was  first  suggested  by  Bellermann,  the  play  of  the 
accent.  Moreover,  as  was  discovered  by  Meier  and  Ley, 
the  metrical  movement  is  determined  by  the  number  of 
accented  syllables,  the  number  of  unaccented  syllables 

29  Early  Poetry  of  Israel,  p.  16. 

30  For  an  excellent  discussion  of  the  various  theories  proposed  see 
W.  H.  Cobb,  A  Criticism  of  Systems  of  Hebrew  Meter. 

21 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

separating  the  accented  syllables  being  immaterial;  "as 
many  may  precede  or  follow  the  accented  syllables  as  can 
be  pronounced  within  a  given  duration  of  time."  Bearing 
in  mind  the  fundamental  difference  between  the  Hebrew 
and  Greek  metrical  systems — the  former  being  based  on 
accent,  the  latter  on  quantity — the  most  common  "foot" 
in  Hebrew  resembles  the  Greek  anapaest  (w  v  — ),  from 
which  the  transition  is  easy  to  the  iambus  ( w  — )  or  to  the 
paeon  (w  \j  v  — ). 

The  line,  or  stichos,  found  most  frequently  is  one  hav- 
ing three  strong  accents,  but  the  line  with  four  strong 
accents  is  not  uncommon,  and  in  poems  picturing  swift 
motion,  there  is  a  preference  for  lines  with  two  accents. 

A  peculiar  metrical  grouping  is  found  in  the  so-called 
Kinah  verse.  While  studying  the  book  of  Lamentations, 
Lowth  was  impressed  by  the  fact  that  "the  verses  are 
clearly  longer  by  almost  one  half  than  those  we  usually 
meet  elsewhere."  Later  De  Wette  noticed  that  each  line 
was  marked  by  a  caesura,  corresponding  both  with  the 
accent  and  the  sense ;  and  subsequently  Keil  pointed  out 
that  the  Caesura  divided  the  line  into  unequal  parts.  Fi- 
nally Professor  Karl  Budde,  after  an  exhaustive  investiga- 
tion of  the  entire  subject,  set  forth  the  true  nature  of  the 
verse,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  Kmah.31  The  Hebrew 
Kiriah  means  "dirge"  or  "lamentation" ;  and  the  term 
was  applied  to  this  particular  kind  of  verse  because  it  was 
used  "wherever  poet  or  prophet  fell  into  the  dirge-note 
for  the  dead."  Further  study  has  shown,  however,  that 
its  use  is  not  restricted  to  the  poetry  of  mourning.  It 
seems  that  after  it  had  once  come  to  be  recognized  as  a 
distinct  measure  it  was  used  for  the  expression  of  intense 
feeling  of  every  sort,  be  it  joy  or  sorrow. 

31  Zeitschrift  fuer  die  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1882,  pp.  iff, 

22 


HEBREW  POETRY 

The  peculiarity  of  the  Jfmah  verse  consists  in  the  fact 
that  the  line  of  more  than  ordinary  extent  is  made  up  of 
two  parts  of  unequal  length,  the  ratio  being  ordinarily 
three  accented  syllables  in  the  first  part  to  two  accented 
syllables  in  the  second,  but  the  ratio  four  to  three  and 
other  irregularities  are  also  found.  The  shortening  of 
the  second  part  gives  a  "limping"  rhythm  to  the  verse; 
it  seems  to  die  away  and  expire ;  hence  its  use  in  lamenta- 
tions. Lam.  i.  i  may  serve  as  an  illustration,  though  the 
English  translation  makes  no  special  attempt  to  reproduce 
the  original  rhythm : 

How  doth  the  city  sit  solitary — that  was  full  of  people! 

She  is  become  as  a  widow — that  was  great  among  the  nations ! 

She  that  was  a  princess  among  the  provinces — is  become  tributary ! 

The  attitude  of  skepticism  taken  by  some  toward  the 
question  of  a  metrical  system  in  Hebrew  poetry  may  be 
traced  to  the  presence  of  numerous  irregularities  even  in 
poems  in  which  the  great  majority  of  lines  have  the 
normal  or  expected  number  of  accents.  "A  poem,  the 
most  of  whose  lines  have  three  accents  each,  will  be 
broken  by  several  of  two  or  four  each;  while  sometimes 
a  series  perfectly  regular  in  the  proportion  of  their  ac- 
cents will  be  closed  by  a  single  longer  line  with  an  accent 
more  than  its  predecessors.  In  the  Kinah  rhythm  the 
normal  proportion  of  three  to  two  is  not  always  observed ; 
we  find  couplets  of  four  to  three  and  four  to  two."32  The 
method  adopted  by  some  scholars,  to  establish  regularity 
by  wholesale  emendations  of  the  text,  more  or  less  arbi- 
trary, does  not  increase  confidence  in  their  theories. 
Nevertheless,  with  full  recognition  of  frequent  irregu- 
larities, the  presence  of  a  metrical  system  in  Hebrew 
poetry  can  no  longer  be  doubted. 
32  G.  A.  Smith,  Early  Poetry  of  Israel,  p.  12. 

23 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

Many  of  the  irregularities  may  be  accounted  for  by 
corruption  of  the  text.  Such  irregularities  may  easily  be 
removed,  and  in  many  instances  cautious  emendations 
have  greatly  improved  the  rhythm.  But  in  addition  to 
irregularities  due  to  carelessness  in  transmission,  some 
may  have  been  present  from  the  beginning,  due  especially 
to  two  causes :  ( i )  The  dominant  influence  of  the  paral- 
lelism of  members  on  the  construction  of  the  lines.  "If 
parallelism  be  the  characteristic  and  dominant  form  of 
Hebrew  verse,  if  the  Hebrew  poet  be  so  constantly  bent 
on  a  rhythm  of  sense,  this  must  inevitably  modify  his 
rhythms  of  sound.  If  his  first  aim  be  to  produce  lines 
each  more  or  less  complete  in  itself,  but  so  as  to  run 
parallel  to  its  fellow,  it  follows  that  these  lines  cannot  be 
always  exactly  regular  in  length  or  in  measure  of  time. 
If  the  governing  principle  of  the  poetry  requires  each  line 
to  be  a  clause  or  sentence  in  itself,  the  lines  will  frequently 
tend,  of  course  within  limits,  to  be  longer  or  shorter,  to 
have  more  or  fewer  stresses  than  are  normal  throughout 
the  poem."33  (2)  Another  cause  may  be  found  in  what 
Smith  calls  "Symmetrophobia,  an  instinctive  aversion  to 
absolute  symmetry,"  which  may  be  traced  in  every  form 
of  Oriental  art. 

Poetic  Units.  In  a  sense  the  measure,  or  foot,  dis- 
cussed in  the  preceding  paragraphs,  is  the  smallest  poetic 
unit  in  Hebrew,  as  in  other  poetry ;  but  from  the  point  of 
view  of  parallelism  the  smallest  unit  is  the  line,  or  stichos, 
or  verse?*  Upon  an  average  the  lines  consist  of  seven 
or  eight  syllables,  but  they  may  be  longer  or  shorter  as 


33  G.  A.  Smith,  Early  Poetry  of  Israel,  p.  17. 

34  Properly  speaking,  the  verse  is  a  single  line,  and  the  word  is  so 
used  here;  though  common  usage  makes  the  verse  a  combination  of 
lines. 

24 


HEBREW  POETRY 

the  poet  may  desire;  even  within  one  and  the  same  stanza 
the  lines  need  not  be  of  the  same  length,  though  ordinarily 
they  are,  at  least  approximately,  of  equal  length.35  When 
the  line  is  much  longer  than  seven  or  eight  syllables  it  is 
commonly  divided  by  a  caesura;  for  example: 

The  law  of  Jehovah  is  perfect,  restoring  the  soul: 

The  testimony  of  Jehovah  is  sure,  making  wise  the  simple. 

The  precepts  of  Jehovah  are  right,  rejoicing  the  heart: 

The  commandment  of  Jehovah  is  pure,  enlightening  the  eyes. 

The  fear  of  Jehovah  is  clean,  enduring  forever: 

The  ordinances  of  Jehovah  are  true,  and  righteous  altogether.38 

The  next  larger  unit  in  Hebrew  poetry  is  the  stanza, 
which  consists  of  a  combination  of  lines  or  stichoi.  The 
stanza  may  be  a  monostich,  that  is,  it  may  consist  of  one 
single  line.  These  monostichs,  found  but  rarely,  are  used 
to  add  emphasis  to  a  thought,  either  at  the  beginning  or 
at  the  close  of  a  poem : 

I  love  thee,  O  Jehovah,  my  strength.37 
Or, 

Jehovah  shall  reign  forever  and  ever.38 

By  far  the  largest  number  of  stanzas  are  distichs,  or  two- 
line  stanzas : 

For  Jehovah  knoweth  the  way  of  the  righteous;/ 
But  the  way  of  the  wicked  shall  perish.39 


35  It  is  especially  at  the  close  of  a  strophe  that  sometimes  a  longer 
and  heavier  line  occurs,  similar  to  the  "Schwellvers"  in  old  German 
ballads;  for  example,  Judg.  5.  3,  8,  10,  12,  19,  27;  Deut.  32.  14,  24, 
42,  43- 

36  Psalm  19.  7-9. 
a?  Psalm  1 8.  i. 
ssExod.  15.  18. 

39  Psalm  i.  6.    For  different  types  of  distichs,  see  above  pp.  17,  18, 
the  paragraphs  dealing  with  different  kinds  of  parallelism. 

25 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

There  are  also  many  stanzas  consisting  .of  three  lines 
each,  called  tris ticks.  Here  different  types  arise  according 
to  the  relation  in  which  the  several  lines  stand  to  each 
other.  Sometimes  the  three  lines  run  parallel : 

But  let  all  those  that  take  refuge  in  thee  rejoice, 

Let  them  ever  shout  for  joy,  because  thou  defendest  them: 

Let  them  also  that  love  thy  name  be  joyful  in  thee.40 

In  other  cases  the  first  two  lines  are  parallel,  while  the 
third  completes  the  thought : 

The  kings  of  the  earth  set  themselves, 
And  the  rulers  take  counsel  together, 
Against  Jehovah,  and  against  his  anointed.41 

In  still  other  cases  lines  two  and  three  are  parallel,  the  two 
together  continuing  the  thought  of  line  one : 

Arise,  O  Jehovah;  save  me,  O  my  God: 

For  thou  hast  smitten  all  mine  enemies  upon  the  cheek  bone;     \A \f? 

Thou  hast  broken  the  teeth  of  the  wicked.42 

Sometimes  lines  one  and  three  are  parallel ;  two  being  in 
the  nature  of  a  parenthesis : 

Answer  me  when  I  call,  O  God  of  my  righteousness ; 
Thou  hast  set  me  at  large  when  I  was  in  distress ; 
Have  mercy  upon  me,  and  hear  my  prayer.43 

Still  fairly  common  are  the  combinations  of  four  lines, 
called  tetrastichs: 

And  he  shall  be  like  a  tree  planted  by  the  streams  of  water, 

That  bringeth  forth  its  fruit  in  its  season, 

Whose  leaf  also  doth  not  wither ; 

And  whatsoever  he  doeth  shall  prosper.44 

Here  again  different  types  arise,  determined  by  the  rela- 

40  Psalm  5.  1 1.  «  Psalm  4.  I . 

41  Psalm  2.  2.  **  Psalm  I.  3. 

-  42  Psalm  3.  7. 

26 


HEBREW  POETRY 

tion  which  the  several  lines  sustain  to  each  other.45 
Stanzas  of  five  lines,  Pentastichs,  are  rare  in  the  Old 
Testament : 

God  bringeth  him  forth  out  of  Egypt ; 

He  hath  as  it  were  the  strength  of  the  wild-ox : 

He  shall  eat  up  the  nations  his  adversaries, 

And  shall  break  their  bones  in  pieces, 

And  smite  them  through  with  his  arrows.48 

Rarer  still  are  the  six-line  stanzas,  or  Hexastichs: 

For  though  the  fig-tree  shall  not  flourish, 
Neither  shall  fruit  be  in  the  vines ; 
The  labor  of  the  olive  shall  fail, 
And  the  fields  shall  yield  no  food ; 
The  flock  shall  be  cut  off  from  the  fold, 
And  there  shall  be  no  herd  in  the  stalls.*7 

On  the  basis  of  more  or  less  marked  breaks  in  the 
development  of  the  thought  of  a  poem  the  stanzas  may 
be  grouped  into  strophes.  Gnomic  poetry,  as  found,  for 
example,  in  the  book  of  Proverbs,  may  exist  without  such 
grouping,  for  each  couplet  (stanza)  may  express  a  com- 
plete idea  independent  of  its  immediate  context.  How- 
ever, in  poetry  that  develops  a  theme  at  greater  length, 
such  as  lyric  poetry,  strophic  arrangement  may  be  ex- 
pected. And  it  is  now  almost  universally  admitted  that 
Hebrew  poets  grouped  their  stanzas,  with  more  or  less 
consistency,  into  strophes.  In  some  cases  the  close  of 


46  In  the  passage  quoted,  Psalm  i.  3,  line  one  is  independent;  the 
remaining  three  lines  are  parallel.     For  other  types  see  Gen.  49.  7; 
Psalms  127.  i;  24.  12;  40.  17;  Isa.  59.  8;  etc. 

48  Num.  24.  8 ;  for  other  types,  as  in  the  case  of  tristichs  and  tetra- 
stichs,  see  Deut.  32.  14,  39;  i  Sam.  2.  10;  Psalm.  39.  12;  etc. 

47  Hab.  3.  17;  for  other  types  see  Num.  24.  17;  i  Sam.  2.  8;  Song  of 
Songs,  4.  8. 

27 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

groups  of  stanzas  is  marked  by  refrains;48  Psalm  107 
contains  two  distinct  refrains;49  in  other  poems  the 
refrains  appear  in  similar,  though  not  identical,  forms.50 
In  Psalm  119  the  strophic  arrangement  is  indicated  by 
the  grouping  of  eight  separate  stanzas  under  each  letter 
of  the  Hebrew  alphabet.  In  many  other  instances,  in 
which  there  is  no  formal  indication  of  strophic  arrange- 
ment, poems  fall  so  naturally — logically  and  poetically — 
into  groups  of  stanzas  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  regard- 
ing intentional  strophic  arrangement.51  In  other  poems 
breaks  in  the  thought  are  not  so  easily  seen,  but  in  such 
cases  also  close  examination  reveals  a  development  of 
thought  which  makes  grouping  into  strophes  at  least  pos- 
sible.52 

Since  poems  are  of  unequal  length  the  number  of 
strophes  in  different  poems  varies.  There  are  a  few  short 
poems  of  only  one  strophe  each.53  The  most  frequent 
combination  is  the  pair  of  strophes,54  sometimes  doubled, 
that  is,  four  strophes  ;55  eight  or  sixteen  strophes  are  rare. 
In  addition  to  these  combinations  the  late  Professor 
Briggs,  who  devoted  many  years  to  the  study  of  Hebrew 
poetry,  distinguished  poems  of  three  strophes  and  its 

48  For  example,  Psalm  46.  7,  11;  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  same 
refrain  was  found  originally  after  verse  3 ;  compare  also  Amos  4.  6,  8, 
9,  10,  ii ;  Isa.  9.  12,  17,  21;  10.  4. 

49  Verses  6,  13,  19,  28  and  8,  15,  21,  31. 

60  Psalm  80;  compare  verse  3  with  verse  7,  with  verse  19. 

51  Psalm  2  falls  naturally  into  four  groups:  1-3,  4-6,  7-9,  10-12. 

62  Diversity  of  opinion  regarding  the  strophic  arrangement  of  certain 
poems  need  not  appear  strange  in  view  of  the  fact  that  in  the  large 
majority  of  cases  the  extent  of  the  groups  is  not  indicated  in  the  text. 
Hence  each  investigator  must  be  guided  by  his  own  judgment  regard- 
ing the  significant  breaks  in  the  thought  of  a  poem. 

53  Psalms  133,  134. 
*   M  Psalm  i.  1-3,  4-6. 

65  Psalm  2.  1-3,  4-6,  7-9,  10-12. 

28 


HEBREW  POETRY 

multiples,  six,  nine,  and  twenty-four;  also  poems  of  five 
strophes  and  its  multiples,  ten,  fifteen,  and  twenty.  Poems 
of  seven  strophes  are  not  common;  poems  of  eleven  and 
twenty-two  strophes  are  confined  to  alphabetic  poems.56 

The  strophes  vary  in  the  number  of  lines  and  in  the 
combination  of  kinds  of  parallelism.  Strophes  contain- 
ing only  one  type  of  parallelism  are  not  common,  for  such 
uniformity  would  tend  to  monotony.  As  to  the  number 
of  lines  in  strophes, — there  are  strophes  of  two,  three, 
four,  five,  six,  seven,  eight,  nine,  ten,  twelve,  and  four- 
teen lines.  Of  these  the  two-line  strophes  are  more 
appropriate  in  gnomic  poetry;  in  lyric  poetry  four  and 
six  line  strophes  are  the  most  common. 

Artificial  Devices.  The  Hebrew  language,  though  in 
many  respects  poorer  and  less  developed  than  the  Indo- 
European  languages,  possesses  certain  characteristics 
which,  in  the  hands  of  a  true  artist,  may  greatly  enhance 
the  power  and  aesthetic  quality  of  poetry.  Mention  may 
be  made,  for  instance,  of  the  profusion  of  gutturals  and 
sibilants,  the  frequent  doubling  of  consonants  and  the 
great  variety  of  vowel  sounds;  the  almost  complete  ab- 
sence of  compounds  and  abstract  terms — Hebrew  words 
express  concrete  objects  and  actions  rather  than  ideas — 
the  wealth  of  synonyms  and  the  richness  of  metaphors, 
the  simplicity  of  construction  of  both  words  and  sen- 
tences, with  the  verb  the  dominant  element  in  the  latter. 
The  Hebrew  poets  seem  to  have  been  fully  aware  of  the 
poetic  possibilities  inherent  in  their  language,  for  they 
made  the  most  of  their  opportunities.  By  a  skillful  ming- 
ling of  appropriate  consonants  and  vowels,  by  the  careful 
selection  of  synonyms  and  metaphors,  and  by  the  effective 

66  C.  A.  Briggs,  The  Book  of  Psalms,  I,  pp.  xlvff.;  The  Study  of  Holy 
Scriptures,  pp.  3Q8ff. 

29 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

grouping  of  words  and  clauses,  they  produced  results  of 
high  artistic  merit.  Assonance  and  alliteration,  while  not 
very  common,  are  not  unknown,  and  there  are  a  few 
striking  cases  of  paronomasia,  or  play  upon  words.57  All 
these  artistic  devices,  however,  can  be  appreciated  only 
by  the  student  of  Hebrew  poetry  in  the  original  lan- 
guage.58 

Rime,  which,  as  has  been  stated,  plays  an  important 
role  in  modern  poetry,  is  used  but  rarely  in  Hebrew 
poetry.  In  one  of  the  earliest  poems  preserved  in  the  Old 
Testament,  the  Song  of  Lamech,59  rime  is  found  in  the 
first  four  lines,  each  ending  in  the  pronominal  suffix  of 
the  first  person,  i.  G.  A.  Smith  has  attempted  to  repro- 
duce the  rime  in  the  following  translation : 

Adah  and  Sillah,  hear  ye  the  voice  of  me, 
Lemekh's-wives,  hearken  the  speech  of  me, 
For  a  man  have  I  slain  for  a  wound  to  me, 
And  a  youth  for  a  blow  to  me. 

Another  illustration  of  rime  may  be  seen  in  the  riddle 
of  Samson,60  which  is  rendered  by  G.  F.  Moore : 

Out  of  the  eater  came  something  to  eat 
And  out  of  the  strong  came  something  sweet. 

A  few  other  cases  are  found  in  the  Old  Testament,  but 
on  the  whole,  rime  is  extremely  rare  in  Hebrew  poetry. 
Moreover,  the  means  by  which  it  is  secured  are  few  and 
simple.  In  the  majority  of  cases  it  is  formed  by  the 

67  For  example,  Gen.  9.  27,  play  on  the  name  "Japheth";  Gen.  49.  16, 
on  the  name  "Dan";  verse  19,  on  the  name  "Gad";  Deut.  33.  8,  on  the 
name  "Meribah";  Judg.  5.  12,  on  the  name  "Deborah";  etc. 

68  For  a  fuller  discussion  of  these  artistic  devices,  see  G.  A.  Smith, 
Early  Poetry  of  Israel,  Chapter  I;  compare  also  A.  R.  Gordon,  The 
Poets  of  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  1-8. 

»  Gen.  4.  23,  24. 
•°Judg.  14.  14. 

30 


HEBREW  POETRY 

repetition  of  the  same  pronominal  suffix  or  the  same 
plural  ending;  and  in  a  few  cases  by  the  repetition  of  un, 
which  is  an  unusual  plural  ending  of  the  verb.  There 
can  be  no  question,  therefore,  that  to  the  Hebrew  poets  it 
was  more  natural  to  produce  "a  parallel  of  meaning  than 
a  harmony  of  sound." 

Of  artificial  devices  for  purposes  of  ornamentation,  the 
most  important  is  the  alphabetic  acrostic.  The  alphabetic 
psalms  are  9-10,  25,  34,  37,  in,  112,  119,  145.  Outside 
of  the  Psalter  the  alphabetic  arrangement  is  used  in  the 
first  four  chapters  of  the  book  of  Lamentations,  and 
traces  of  it  appear  in  Nah.  i.  Sometimes  each  separate 
line  begins  with  a  different  letter;61  sometimes  every  two- 
line  stanza  begins  with  a  different  letter.62  In  Psalms 
9-10,  37,  two  two-line  stanzas  are  given  to  each  letter,  the 
characteristic  letter  standing  at  the  beginning  of  the  first 
of  the  four  lines.  In  Psalm  119  each  letter  opens  eight 
successive  two-line  stanzas.  In  Lam.  3  the  three  lines  of 
each  of  the  twenty-two  stanzas  begin  each  with  the  same 
letter.  In  Lam.  i,  2  every  three-line  stanza  begins  with 
a  different  letter. 

Kinds  of  Poetic  Composition.  According  to  early 
Greek  writers,  the  three  principal  kinds  of  poetic  com- 
position are  epic,  dramatic,  and  lyric  poetry,  and  for  the 
present  discussion  this  classification  is  still  adequate.  Epic 
poetry  is  descriptive  and  is  intended  to  be  recited.  It 
deals  with  external  objects  and  events  of  which  it  gives 
a  narrative  in  poetic  form.  The  events  portrayed  may 
be  partly  real  and  partly  fictitious,  or  all  fictitious.  Dra- 
matic poetry  is  concerned  with  the  reproduction  of  acts 
and  events  and  is  intended  to  be  acted.  Thus  it  makes 


61  Psalms  in,  112. 

62  Psalms  25,  34,  145;  Lam.  4. 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

its  appeal  to  the  eye  as  well  as  to  the  ear.  Its  subdivisions 
are  tragedy  and  comedy.  Lyric  poetry  is  subjective.  It 
sets  forth  the  inward  occurrences  of  the  poet's  own  mind : 
his  feelings  and  reflections,  his  joys  and  sorrows,  his  cares 
and  complaints,  his  aspirations  and  despairs,  etc. 

From  the  literature  that  has  been  preserved  in  the  Old 
Testament  it  would  seem  that  the  Hebrews  never  created 
a  verse  epic,  like  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  of  Homer.  Some 
of  the  prose  narratives  in  the  Old  Testament,  especially 
in  the  book  of  Genesis,  are  of  an  epic  character,  but, 
strictly  speaking,  the  Old  Testament  contains  no  verse 
epic.63  The  drama,  in  the  sense  of  a  poetic  composition 
intended  to  be  acted,  is  also  wanting  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, and  this  lack  the  Hebrews  seem  to  share  with  the 
rest  of  the  Semitic  peoples.  The  lack  may  be  due  to  a 
certain  onesidedness  of  disposition,  a  want  of  objectivity, 
on  the  part  of  the  Semites. 

On  the  other  hand,  dramatic  form  is  a  conspicuous 
element  in  Hebrew  poetry.  The  book  of  Psalms  and  the 
prophetic  literature  contain  many  fine  illustrations  of 
dramatic  arrangement.  Psalm  24.  7-10,  for  instance,  is 
dramatically  arranged : 

(  Lift  up  your  heads,  O  ye  gates ; 

Chorus:      •)   And  be  ye  lifted  up,  ye  everlasting  doors: 
(  And  the  King  of  glory  will  come  in. 

Inquiry:         Who  is  the  King  of  glory? 

Response:  \  J*ova!'  st™"g  and .  mifhty' 

(  Jehovah  mighty  in  battle. 

(  Lift  up  your  heads,  O  ye  gates ; 
Chorus:      •)  Yea,  lift  them  up,  ye  everlasting  doors: 
r   And  the  King  of  glory  will  come  in. 


63  According  to  present  knowledge,  the  Babylonians  alone  among  the 
Semites  developed  epic  poetry. 

32 


HEBREW  POETRY 

Inquiry:         Who  is  this  King  of  glory? 

I   Jehovah  of  hosts, 
.esponse:  j  Re  .g  ^  King  Qf  g,ory 

In  structure  the  book  of  Job  is  in  the  nature  of  a  drama 
and  may  be  termed  a  dramatic  poem.64  Its  principal  part 
consists  of  a  series  of  dialogues  between  Job  and  his 
friends;  other  speakers  are  Elihu  and  Yahweh,  and  in 
the  prologue  "the  Satan"  is  introduced  as  one  of  the 
speakers.65  The  Song  of  Songs  also  is  interpreted  by 
many  scholars  as  a  dramatic  poem,  whose  object  is  the 
glorification  of  true  human  love.  According  to  one  view, 
two  principal  characters  appear  in  the  drama — Solomon 
and  the  Shulammite  maiden,  according  to  another  view 
three  persons  take  the  principal  parts — Solomon,  the 
Shulammite,  and  her  shepherd  lover.66 

By  far  the  largest  part  of  Hebrew  poetry  is  lyric  in 
character.  Lyric  poetry  seems  to  have  been  the  earliest 
development  of  literature,  and  the  Hebrew  poets  seem 
to  have  been  content  with  its  cultivation  in  all  its  varieties. 
In  large  measure  this  may  have  been  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  genius  of  the  ancient  Hebrews  was  preeminently  sub- 
jective. As  a  result  Hebrew  poets  found  it  difficult  to 
adjust  themselves  to  the  presentation,  in  poetic  form,  of 
the  emotions,  thoughts,  and  actions  of  others,  as  both  epic 
and  dramatic  poetry  require.  It  was  their  own  thoughts 
and  emotions  for  which  they  endeavored  to  find  forms 
of  expression.  In  lyric  poetry  proper,  the  poet  seeks  to 
give  expression  to  his  own  emotions  and  experiences :  his 
joys  or  sorrows,  his  cares  or  complaints,  his  aspiration  or 
despair ;  or  he  reproduces  in  words  the  impressions  which 

64  But  see  below,  p.  131. 
<K  See  below,  Chapter  V. 
66  See  below,  Chapter  VI. 

33 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

nature  and  history  have  made  upon  him  or  upon  those 
whom  he  represents. 

By  the  side  of  lyric  poetry  proper  the  Hebrews  devel- 
oped to  a  high  degree  of  perfection  the  thought-lyric  or 
gnomic  poetry.  This  kind  of  poetry  does  not  express  the 
author's  experiences  or  emotions,  but  his  thoughts  and 
observations  on  human  life  and  society,  or  generalizations 
respecting  conduct  and  character.67  Only  a  few  speci- 
mens of  secular  gnomic  poetry  are  preserved  in  the  Old 
Testament;  the  finest  of  which  is  the  Fable  of  Jotham.68 
Its  religious  and  ethical  types  are  found  chiefly  in  the 
wisdom  literature — represented  by  some  of  the  Psalms, 
the  books  of  Proverbs,  Job,  and  Ecclesiastes. 

The  line  between  the  two  kinds  of  lyric  poetry  cannot 
always  be  clearly  drawn.  Sometimes  a  lyric  poem  as- 
sumes a  gnomic  or  didactic  tone;  on  the  other  hand,  a 
poem  which  on  the  whole  is  gnomic  may  in  parts  rise  to 
a  lyric  strain.  In  Psalm  25,  for  example,  verses  I  and  2 
are  lyric : 

Unto  thee,  O  Jehovah,  do  I  lift  up  my  soul. 

O  my  God,  in  thee  have  I  trusted, 

Let  me  not  be  put  to  shame; 

Let  not  mine  enemies  triumph  over  me. 

Verse  3  assumes  the  character  of  thought-lyric : 

Yea,  none  that  wait  for  thee  shall  be  put  to  shame : 

They  shall  be  put  to  shame  that  deal  treacherously  without  cause. 

Secular  Poetry.  The  Old  Testament  being  preemi- 
nently a  book  of  religion,  it  is  only  natural  that  almost 
all  poetry  in  it  should  be  of  a  religious  nature.  It  con- 
tains secular  poetry  only  in  the  sense  that  a  few  poems 
center  around  secular  themes ;  but  even  some  of  these  are 

67  See  below,  Chapter  III. 

68  Judg.  9.  8-15. 

34 


HEBREW  POETRY 

permeated  by  an  intense  religious  spirit.  The  following 
secular  poems  or  fragments  of  poems  are  embodied  in 
the  Pentateuch  and  the  book  of  Joshua : 

Gen.  4.  23,  24,  The  Song  of  Lamech,  or,  of  the  Sword. 

Gen.  49.  2-27,  The  Blessing  of  Jacob. 

Exod.  15.  1-18,  The  Triumph  Song  over  the  Destruction 

of  the  Egyptians. 
Num.  21.  14,  15,  The  Song  concerning  the  Boundary  Line 

between  Israel  and  Moab. 
Num.  21.  17,  1 8,  The  Song  of  the  Well. 
Num.   21,   27-30,    The   Song  Commemorating   Israel's 

Victory  over  Sihon. 

Deut.  33.  2-29,  The  Blessing  of  Moses. 
Josh.  10.  12,  13,  The  Standing  Still  of  Sun  and  Moon.69 
Outside  of  these  books  the  following  secular  poems  may 
be  noted : 

Judg.  5.  2-31,  The  Song  of  Deborah. 
Judg.  9.  8-15,  The  Fable  of  Jotham. 
Judg.  14,  15  (passim),  Riddles  and  Proverbs  of  Samson. 

1  Sam.  1 8,  7,  The  Greeting  of  David  by  the  Women. 

2  Sam,  i.  19-27,  The  Lament  of  David  over  Saul  and 

Jonathan. 
2  Sam.  3.  33,  34,  The  Lament  of  David  over  Abner. 

Psalm  45  may  have  been  originally  a  secular  poem ;  if  so, 
it  was  changed  subsequently  into  a  religious  psalm.  The 
Song  of  Songs  may  have  been  intended  originally  to  rep- 
resent a  collection  of  secular  love  poems.70 

69  For  a  discussion  of  these  poems,  see  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the 
Pentateuch,  Chapter  XVI. 

70  See  below,  Chapter  VI.     Allusions  to  secular  songs  sung  at  ban- 
quets and  other  festal  occasions  occur  in  a  number  of  places;  see,  for 
example,  Gen.  31.  27;  2  Sam.  19.  35;  Amos  6.  5;  Isa.  5.  12;  16.  10; 
24.  9;  Job  21.  12;  Psalm  69.  12;  etc. 

35 


CHAPTER  II 
THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 


CHAPTER  II 
THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

Title.  The  first  book  in  the  collection  of  Writings,  in 
the  ordinary  Hebrew  Bible,  is  the  book  of  Psalms.  The 
book  itself  furnishes  no  title  for  the  collection  of  psalms 
as  a  whole;  nor  is  such  title  found  anywhere  else  in  the 
Old  Testament.  The  nearest  approach  to  it  occurs  in 
Psalm  72.  20,  "The  prayers1  of  David  the  son  of  Jesse 
are  ended."  The  singular  of  the  same  word  "prayer" 
appears  as  the  title  of  Psalms  17,  86,  90,  102,  142,  and 
would  be  appropriate  in  many  other  cases ;  indeed,  all  the 
psalms  glow  with  the  spirit  of  prayer,  if  prayer  is  inter- 
preted in  a  broad  sense  as  any  turning  of  the  heart  to 
God  in  supplication,  reverence,  or  praise.  The  later  Jews 
gave  to  the  book  the  title  sepher  tehillim,  "book  of 
praises,"  which  title  was  known  also  to  the  early  church 
fathers.  The  singular  noun  tehillah,  "praise"  or  "praise- 
song,"  which  has  furnished  this  appropriate  title  for  the 
entire  book,  is  found  in  the  Hebrew  text  as  the  title  of 
only  one  psalm.2 

The  usual  Septuagint  title  is  (3if3Ao^  ibaX^v^  biblos  psal- 

mon,    "book    of    psalms,"3    rendered    in    the    Vulgate, 

Liber  psalmorum.     In  the  Codex  Alexandrinus  the  title 

^odrTfpjov,  psalterion — the  name  of  a  stringed  instrument4 

—is  substituted  for  the  usual  Septuagint  title.   The  latter 

1  Hebrew,  tephilloth;  singular,  tephilldh. 

2  Psalm  145. 

8  The  v^aXju6s  is  primarily  a  song  sung  to  the  accompaniment  of 
stringed  instruments. 

4  Perhaps  the  same  as  the  frequently  mentioned  Hebrew  nebhel. 

39 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

is  used  in  the  New  Testament  in  Luke  20.  42  and  Acts 
I.  20.  The  English  titles,  Book  of  Psalms  and  Psalter, 
are  the  equivalents  of  the  two  Septuagint  headings. 

Number  and  Division.  Both  the  Hebrew  Bible  and 
the  Septuagint  give  the  total  number  of  psalms  as  150, 
though  the  two  recensions  show  differences  in  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  individual  psalms: 

HEBREW  SEPTUAGINT 

1-8  1-8 

9,  10  9 

11-113  10-112 

114,  US  H3 

116  114,  115 

117-146  116-145 

147  146,  147 

148-150  148-150 

However,  there  are  early  traditions,  embodied  in  the 
Talmud  and  some  early  MSS.,  which  show  that  this 
number  was  not  always  accepted  as  definitely  fixed.5 
Moreover,  internal  evidence  makes  it  doubtful  that  the 
collection  contains  exactly  one  hundred  and  fifty  separate 
poems.  It  seems  that  in  some  cases  what  was  originally 
one  poem  has  become  divided  into  two,6  while  in  other 
cases  two  poems  originally  separate  have  been  united  into 


6  The  Palestinian  Talmud,  Sabbath  XVI,  i,  gives  the  number  as  one 
hundred  and  forty-seven,  "corresponding  to  the  one  hundred  and  forty- 
seven  years  of  our  father  Jacob." 

6  Psalms  9  and  10,  for  example,  were  originally  one  poem,  as  is  shown 
by  the  continuation  of  the  same  acrostic  scheme  throughout  both 
psalms;  so  also  Psalms  42  and  43,  as  appears  from  the  recurrence  of 
the  same  refrain  in  42.  5,  1 1  and  43.  5. 

7  This  is  clear  in  the  case  of  Psalm  108,  which  consists  of  two  psalms 
or  fragments  of  psalms,  57.  7-11  +  60.  5-12;  in  other  instances  internal 
evidence  points  in  the  same  direction;  for  example,  Psalm  19  =1-6  + 
7-14;  Psalm  24  =  1-6  +  7-10;  Psalm  27  ^  1-6  +  7-14 ;  Psalm  36  =  1-4  -f- 
5-12. 

40 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

The  Septuagint  arrangement  was  adopted  in  the  Vul- 
gate and  in  the  early  English  translations  based  upon  the 
latter;  but  the  English  translations  made  directly  from 
the  Hebrew  follow  the  arrangement  in  the  Hebrew  Bible. 
The  Septuagint  contains  one  additional  psalm,  but  makes 
the  definite  statement  that  it  is  not  to  be  considered  a 
part  of  the  canonical  book.  Its  title  reads :  "This  psalm 
was  written  by  David  with  his  own  hand,  though  it  is 
outside  of  the  number,  when  he  fought  in  single  combat 
with  Goliath."  The  contents  show  this  extra  psalm  to 
be  unworthy  of  being  classed  with  the  others,  for  it  con- 
sists almost  entirely  of  prose  sentences  taken,  with  slight 
variations,  from  the  books  of  Samuel.8 

The  book  of  Psalms  in  its  present  form  is  divided  into 
five  books,  a  division  recognized  in  the  American  Revised 
Version:  I,  1-41;  II,  42-72;  III,  73-89;  IV,  90-106;  V, 
107-150.  While  this  division  is  not  original  and  does  not 
mark  successive  steps  in  the  formation  of  the  psalter,9  it 
is  very  old.  A  Midrash10  on  the  Psalms,  which  undoubt- 
edly embodies  pre-Christian  traditions,  opens  with  a  glow- 
ing comparison  between  the  lawgiver  and  the  king,  the 
five  books  of  the  Torah  and  the  five  books  of  the  Psalms, 
the  blessing  of  Moses  and  the  blessing  of  David.  The 
Septuagint  also  recognizes  the  fivefold  division,  which 
may  indicate  that  it  was  known  at  least  as  early  as  the 
second  century  B.  C.11  The  Midrash  passage  suggests 


8  For  a  translation  of  the  psalm,  see  Hastings's  Dictionary  of  the 
Bible,  vol.  iv,  p.  146. 
1   9  See  further  below,  pp.  640°. 

10  A  Midrash  is  in  the  nature  of  a  homiletical  commentary. 

11  On  the  basis  of  the  literary  parallel  between  I  Chron.  16.  8,  36 
and  the  doxology  closing  Book  IV,  Psalm  106.  47,  48,  it  is  sometimes 
claimed  that  the  chronicler  knew  the  division;  but  this  is  doubtful,  for 
verses  47,  48  may  have  been  a  part  of  Psalm  106  before  the  division  was 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

the  reason  for  the  fivefold  division :  it  was  to  make  the 
hymn  book  of  the  temple  service,  which  contained  the 
response  of  the  people,  correspond  to  the  lawbook,  which 
contained  the  expression  of  the  divine  will. 

The  close  of  each  of  the  five  books  is  marked  by  a 
doxology,  which  either  was  a  part  of  the  last  psalm  in 
the  group  or  was  added  at  the  time  the  division  was 
made.  These  doxologies  are  found  in  41.  13;  72.18,  19; 
89.52  and  106.  47,  48.  Since  Psalm  150  was  in  the  nature 
of  a  doxology  it  was  considered  a  suitable  close  of  the 
fifth  book;  hence  no  special  doxology  was  added. 

Psalm  Titles.  Many  of  the  psalms  have  superscrip- 
tions or  titles.  These  are  of  three  kinds,  referring  (i) 
to  the  musical  setting  of  the  psalm,  (2)  to  its  authorship 
or  composition,  and  (3)  to  the  historical  circumstances 
giving  rise  to  it.  The  musical  notes  are  manifold  and  the 
terms  used  are  frequently  obscure;  hence  an  adequate 
discussion  is  possible  only  in  connection  with  a  detailed 
study  of  individual  psalms;  but  the  other  two  kinds  of 
statements  deal  with  the  origin  of  the  psalms,  and  there- 
fore cannot  be  passed  over  in  the  study  of  questions  of 
Introduction.  The  following  authors  are  named  in  the 
psalm  titles : 

1.  Moses  (Psalm  90)  Total,    I 

2.  David  (Book  I,  37:  3-9,  11-32,  34-41; 

Book  II,  18:  51-65,  68-70; 

Book  III,  i:  86; 

Book  IV,  2:  101,  103; 

Book  V,  15:  108-110,  122,  124,  131,  133,  138-145)  Total,  73 

3.  Solomon  (72,  127)  Total,    2 

introduced.  The  artificial  character  of  the  division  appears  clearly  in 
the  case  of  Books  IV  and  V.  Psalm  107,  which  opens  Book  V,  goes 
naturally  with  Psalms  105  and  106,  which  close  Book  IV.  The  fact 
that  the  number  of  psalms  in  Book  IV  is  the  same  as  in  Book  III  also 
suggests  that  the  break  was  made  arbitrarily  at  the  close  of  Psalm  106. 

42 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

4.  Asaph  (50,  73-83)  Total,  12 

5.  Sons  of  Korah  (42,  44-49,  84,  85,  87,  88)  Total,  11 

6.  Ethan,  the  Ezrahite  (89)  Total,     i 

7.  Heman,  the  Ezrahite  (88),  ascribed  also  to  the  Sons  of  Korah. 
Total  number  of  psalms  ascribed  to  an  author  in  the  title  100 

One  hundred  psalms,  therefore,  out  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty,  are  ascribed  to  some  author.  Seventy-three  of 
these — that  is,  less  than  one  half — bear  the  name  of 
David.  Nevertheless,  David  being  looked  upon  as  the 
founder  of  temple  psalmody,12  in  the  course  of  time  all 
the  psalms  in  the  collection  came  to  be  credited  to  him.13 

What  is  the  significance  and  value  of  these  titles?  If 
their  testimony  could  be  accepted  as  authoritative,  the 
further  study  of  the  authorship  of  the  psalms  with  titles 
would  be  a  simple  matter ;  but  unfortunately  a  closer  in- 
vestigation of  the  psalms  and  their  superscriptions  has 
convinced  practically  all  modern  scholars  that  the  titles 
cannot  be  followed  implicitly: 

1 i )  Even  the  Hebrew  MSS.  are  not  in  complete  agree- 
ment; for  example,  in  several  important  MSS.  Psalms  66 
and  67  are  also  ascribed  to  David. 

(2)  In  many  instances  the  Septuagint — or,  at  least, 
some  important  MSS.  of  the  Septuagint — is  not  in  agree- 
ment with  the  tradition  embodied  in  the  Hebrew  title. 
For  example,  (a)  David  is  not  given  as  the  author  of 
Psalms  122,  124,  131,  133.     (b)  Solomon  is  not  given 
as  the  author  of  Psalm  127.    (c)  The  following  fourteen 
psalms  are  credited  to  David:  10,  33,  43,  67,  71,  91, 
93~99»  IO4-     (d)  The  following  psalms  are  ascribed  to 
Haggai  and  Zechariah:  138,  146-148.     (e)  To  Jeremiah 
is  ascribed  Psalm  137. 

12  i  Chron.  23.  5;  25.  1-7. 

13  See  the  quotation  from  the  Babylonian  Talmud,  baba  bathra,  iqb, 
I5a,  in  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  p.  86. 

43 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

(3)  To  judge  from  the  ancient  versions  much  liberty 
was  taken  with  the  psalm  titles,  especially  by  adding  to 
them.    Even  the  Septuagint  contains  such  additions ;  for 
example,  Psalm  27  is  said  to  have  been  written  by  David 
"before  his  anointing" ;  Psalm  96,  "when  the  house  was 
being  built  after  the  captivity";  Psalms  76  and  80  are 
said  to  refer  to  "the  Assyrian."    In  the  Syriac  transla- 
tion this  tendency  is  carried  to  greater  extremes.    There 
the  title  of  Psalm  73,  for  example,  reads :  "Composed  by 
Asaph  from  memory  about  the  death  of  Absalom.    Be- 
sides, a  confession  of  human  infirmity;  also  concerning 
the  prosperity  of  the  ungodly  and  the  longsuffering  of 
God."     These  additions  continued  to  be  made  until  a 
rather  late  period,  as  may  be  seen,  for  example,  from  the 
reference  in  the  title  of  Psalm  i  to  the  beatitudes  in  the 
Gospel  of  Matthew.     It  may  be  safe  to  infer  from  the 
lack  of  care  in  the  transmission  of  the  titles,  and  from 
the  liberties  taken  with  them  until  after  the  opening  of 
the  Christian  era,  that  the  post-Old  Testament  Jews  and 
the  early  Christians  did  not  look  upon  these  titles  as 
integral  parts  of  the  psalms. 

(4)  It  is  practically  certain  that  the  titles  did  not  orig- 
inate with  the  authors  of  the  psalms  themselves.    In  some 
instances,  at  least,  they  seem  to  have  been  taken  almost 
verbatim  from  the  books  of  Samuel.    It  is  interesting  to 
compare,  for  example,  Psalm  18.  i  with  2  Sam.  22.  i ; 
Psalm  34.  i  with  i  Sam.  21.  13;  Psalm  51.  i  with  2  Sam. 
12.  iff.;  Psalm  52.  i  with  i  Sam.  22.  9;  Psalm  54.  i  with 
i  Sam.  23.  19;  etc. 

In  addition  to  these  four  considerations,  which  are  not 
without  weight,  two  others  may  be  mentioned  that  seem 
to  be  even  more  conclusive  against  the  absolute  reliability 
of  the  testimony  of  the  psalm  titles : 

44 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

(5)  The  contents  of  some  of  the  psalms  show  that 
they  belong  to  a  historical  situation  other  than  that  indi- 
cated in  the  titles.     Thus  Psalm  122  cannot  come  from 
the  time  of  David,  because  it  presupposes  the  existence 
of  the  temple,  and  the  expression  in  verse  5,  "the  thrones 
of  the  house  of  David,"  implies  that  the  dynasty  of  David 
has  occupied  the  throne  for  some  time.     Psalms  20,  21 
are  not  prayers  of  a  king  for  his  people,  but  prayers  of 
subjects  for  their  king.     Psalm  59  evidently  refers  to 
enemies  of  the  nation  and  not  to  David's  persecution  by 
Saul.    In  many  other  cases  it  is  difficult,  if  not  impossible, 
to  harmonize  the  circumstances  reflected  in  the  text  with 
the  situation  referred  to  in  the  superscription. 

(6)  At  other  times  the  language  is  inconsistent  with 
the  period  to  which  the  title  assigns  the  psalm.     Psalm 
139,  for  instance,  contains  so  many  Aramaisms  and  other 
linguistic  peculiarities  that  on  the  basis  of  its  language 
alone  it  must  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  latest  psalms  in 
the  entire  collection.     Davidic  authorship,  therefore,  is 
an  impossibility.     Similarly,  Psalms  103,  122,  144  and 
others  must,  for  the  same  reason,  be  assigned  to  late 
dates. 

In  the  light  of  these  facts,  what  is  the  significance  of 
the  psalm  titles  ?  They  occupy  very  much  the  same  posi- 
tion as  the  subscriptions  to  some  of  the  New  Testament 
epistles,  which  name  the  place  in  which  the  writer  lived, 
or  the  persons  through  whom  the  letter  was  sent,  or 
both.14  These  subscriptions  are  not  a  part  of  the  original 
text,  but  they  embody  early  traditions,  which  may  or  may 


14  For  example,  "The  Second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  was  written 
from  Philippi,  by  Titus  and  Lucas."  These  subscriptions  are  found  in 
the  Authorized  Version,  but  are  omitted  from  the  American  Revised 
Version. 

45 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

not  be  correct.  In  a  similar  manner,  the  psalm  titles  did 
not  originate  with  the  authors  of  the  psalms;  they 
too  embody  early  traditions,  though,  perhaps,  farther 
removed  from  the  time  of  composition  than  is  the  case 
with  the  New  Testament  epistles.  No  evidence  is  avail- 
able for  determining  the  time  of  their  addition ;  internal 
evidence,  however,  shows  that  in  many  cases  they  are  alto- 
gether uncritical  in  character. 

What,  then,  should  be  the  attitude  of  the  modern 
student  toward  these  titles?  There  are  always  three 
stages  in  the  use  of  tradition:  (i)  At  first  tradition  is 
accepted  as  equivalent  to  history.  (2)  When  the  discov- 
ery is  made  that  tradition  is  unreliable  in  certain  details 
a  tendency  arises  to  reject  tradition  entirely  as  fictitious. 
(3)  Usually  further  study  brings  about  a  reaction:  the 
wholesale  rejection  is  seen  to  be  unwarranted ;  then  tradi- 
tion is  carefully  tested,  and  an  attempt  is  made  to  discover 
and  use  the  historical  nucleus  that  may  have  given  rise 
to  the  tradition. 

Each  of  these  three  conflicting  attitudes  has  or  has  had 
its  advocates  in  the  case  of  the  psalm  titles.  There  have 
been  and  still  are  those  who  accept  them  as  absolutely 
reliable,  though  perhaps  no  living  Old  Testament  scholar 
belongs  to  this  class.  Others  reject  them  entirely,  while 
there  are  many  who  believe  that  they  contain  an  historical 
nucleus  and  who  insist  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  modern 
student  to  discover  that  nucleus  and  to  use  it  for  what  it 
may  be  worth.  The  last  appears  to  be  the  only  safe  and 
sane  attitude.  The  psalm  titles  cannot  be  disposed  of  as 
a  whole;  they  cannot  be  accepted  or  rejected  as  a  whole; 
they  must  be  examined  separately,  and  their  acceptance 
or  rejection  must  be  determined  by  the  results  of  the 
examination.  In  other  words,  the  psalm  titles  may  be 

46 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

used  as  starting  points;  it  may  even  be  proper  to  start 
with  a  presumption  in  their  favor;  only  if  the  facts 
revealed  by  fair  and  unbiased  study  cannot  be  harmonized 
with  them  should  they  be  given  up.  In  cases  in  which 
the  evidence  is  not  decisive,  at  least  the  possibility  of  the 
titles  being  correct  may  be  admitted. 

Date  and  Authorship.  The  attitude  with  reference 
to  the  date  and  authorship  of  the  psalms  is  determined 
largely  by  the  attitude  toward  the  psalm  titles.  It  is  pos- 
sible, therefore,  to  distinguish  two  extreme  positions,  with 
many  modifications  between  the  two.  At  one  end  is  the 
older  view  which,  following  the  traditions  embodied  in 
the  titles,  ascribes  to  David  seventy-three  psalms  and 
twenty-seven  others  to  the  authors  whose  names  they 
bear,15  leaving  the  authorship  of  the  "orphans,"  that  is, 

16  This  view,  as  the  whole  discussion  of  the  question  of  authorship  on 
the  basis  of  the  psalm  titles,  rests  upon  the  interpretation  of  the  expres- 
sions "of  David,"  "of  Asaph,"  etc.,  as  implying  authorship.  It  is  not 
impossible,  however,  that  in  some  cases  at  least,  these  phrases  were 
not  intended  to  indicate  authorship  at  all.  In  some  instances  the 
Hebrew  preposition  le  may  have  been  used  with  the  meaning  "belong- 
ing to,"  that  is,  implying  possession  rather  than  authorship.  Thus 
the  psalms  credited  to  the  sons  of  Korah  may  have  been  derived  from 
a  collection  in  the  possession  of  the  Levitical  family  bearing  that  name 
during  the  period  of  the  second  temple.  It  can  hardly  be  assumed 
that  the  psalms  were  the  product  of  joint  authorship  on  the  part  of 
members  of  the  Korah  family.  In  the  same  way,  the  psalms  ascribed 
to  Asaph,  Ethan,  and  Heman  may  have  been  derived  from  collections 
in  the  possession  of  families  or  guilds  bearing  the  names  of  these  men. 
Similarly,  the  expression  "of  David,"  as  found  in  the  psalm  titles  at 
the  present  time,  may  have  been  used  to  suggest  that  the  psalms  so 
marked  were  taken  from  a  collection  bearing  the  title  "Psalms  of 
David,"  perhaps  because  the  nucleus  of  the  collection  was  thought  to 
be  Davidic.  In  other  cases  the  phrase  may  be  used  with  the  meaning, 
"suitable  for  David,"  that  is,  a  psalm  befitting  the  character  or  cir- 
cumstances of  David.  In  either  case,  the  interpretation  implying 
authorship  would  be  due  to  a  later  misunderstanding  of  an  ambiguous 
Hebrew  phrase. 

47 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

the  psalms  without  indication  of  authorship,  unsettled. 
Some  extend  the  tradition  so  as  to  ascribe  all  the  psalms 
to  David.  The  other  extreme  is  advocated  by  Wellhau- 
sen,  Cheyne,  Duhm,  and  other  scholars.  "Since  the 
Psalter  belongs  to  the  Hagiographa,"  says  Wellhausen, 
"and  is  the  hymn  book  of  the  congregation  of  the  second 
temple  .  .  .  the  question  is  not  whether  it  contains  any 
postexilic  psalms,  but  whether  it  contains  any  preexilic 
psalms."16  Cheyne  maintains  that  the  whole  psalter,  with 
the  possible  exception  of  parts  of  Psalm  18,  is  postex- 
ilic.17 And  Duhm  goes  even  farther  and  considers  it  an 
open  question  whether  any  of  the  psalms  are  as  old  as 
the  Persian  period.  He  assigns  most  of  them  to  the  cen- 
tury beginning  with  the  Maccabean  uprising  and  ending 
with  the  death  of  Alexander  Jannseus,  B.  C.  78.18 

Now  the  question  of  date  and  authorship  is,  perhaps, 
less  important  in  the  case  of  the  Psalms  than  in  the  case 
of  the  prophetic  books  or  other  Old  Testament  writings. 
A  psalm  retains  the  power  of  carrying  the  devout  reader 
into  the  very  presence  of  God,  no  matter  by  whom  or 


16  The  argument  of  Wellhausen,  though  in  reality  the  outgrowth  of 
his  idea  regarding  the  development  of  Hebrew  religion,  is  apparently 
based  on  the  fact,  which  cannot  be  denied,  that  the  psalter  was  the 
hymn  book  of  the  second  temple.    But  a  moment's  thought  will  show 
that  this  does  not  prove  that  all  the  psalms  were  composed  during  the 
postexilic  period.    Such  inference  rests  upon  a  confusion  of  composition 
with  compilation.     It  might  be  asserted  with  equal  propriety  that  all 
the  hymns  in  a  modern  hymnal  were  written  at  the  time  the  book  was 
compiled  or  in  the  immediate  past.     This  is  not  true  of  any  modern 
hymnal,  and  there  is  no  good  reason  for  believing  that  it  was  so  in  the 
case  of  the  ancient  Jewish  hymnal  that  has  been  preserved  in  the 
Psalter. 

17  The  Origin  and  Contents  of  the  Psalter,  p.  xxxi.    In  his  Introduction 
to  the  Book  of  Isaiah,  p.  in,  he  says:  "No  part  of  the  Psalter  has  yet 
been  shown  to  have  a  preexilic  basis." 

18  Die  Psalmen,  in  Kurzer  Hand-Commentar,  pp.  xixff. 

48 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

under  what  circumstances  it  was  written.  In  the  words 
of  W.  T.  Davison:  "The  universality  and,  if  one  may 
say  so,  the  timelessness  of  the  Psalter  are  amongst  its 
prominent  characteristics.  The  personal  elements  which 
the  psalms  contain  are  soon  lost  in  the  impersonal,  the 
finite  in  the  infinite.  The  singer  seldom  lingers  long 
amidst  the  streets  of  the  city,  within  the  limits  of  a  single 
nation  or  country,  among  the  fields  and  homesteads;  he 
soon  wings  his  flight  into  the  upper  air,  from  whence  the 
whole  familiar  landscape  dwindles  to  a  mere  speck.  The 
psalmist,  of  all  men,  is  alone  with  God  and  his  own 
soul."19 

Nevertheless  the  determination  of  date  and  authorship 
is  of  interest  and  value  even  in  the  case  of  the  psalms.  In 
the  first  place,  some  of  the  psalms  are  the  outgrowth  of 
definite  historical  situations;  these  must  remain  more  or 
less  unintelligible  unless  their  historical  background  can 
be  determined,  which  implies  a  fixing  of  the  date.  Again, 
though  all  the  psalms  breathe  a  living  faith  in  Yahweh, 
they  differ  in  religious  and  ethical  conception.  The  right 
devotional  use  of  the  psalms  depends  upon  a  proper  appre- 
ciation of  these  varying  religious  and  ethical  conceptions; 
but  this  in  turn  depends  upon  the  discovery  of  their  ap- 
proximate dates.  The  investigation  of  date  and  author- 
ship, therefore,  is  not  without  significance  for  a  compre- 
hensive study  of  the  development  of  Hebrew  religion, 
theology,  and  ethics. 

Davidic  Psalms.  The  question  of  authorship,  how- 
ever, retains  its  chief  interest  on  account  of  the  alleged 
connection  of  King  David  with  so  many  of  the  psalms.. 
Are  there  good  reasons  for  believing  that  any  of  the 
psalms  came  from  him,  or  at  least  from  his  age  ?  Argu- 

19  The  Praises  of  Israel,  p.  31. 

49 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

ments  in  favor  of  Davidic  authorship  may  now  be  con- 
sidered :20 

First  place  may  be  given  to  certain  a  priori  arguments : 

(1)  The  history  of  the  Hebrew  nation  begins  with  an 
outburst  of  song.    The  deliverance  at  the  Red  Sea  was 
celebrated,  according  to  Exod.  15,  with  a  song.    Though 
this  song,  in  its  present  form,  contains  indications  of  a 
later  date,  it  is  generally  admitted  that  it  embodies  some 
very  early  elements.21 

(2)  The  Song  of  Deborah,22  one  of  the  finest  speci- 
mens of  Hebrew  poetry,  is  almost  universally  accepted 
as  practically  contemporaneous  with  the  events  portrayed. 
"The  contemporary  character  of  the  Song,"  says  G.  A. 
Smith,  "is  clear,  and  is  generally  recognized;  it  can  be 
denied  only  by  ignoring  the  evidence  of  the  language  and 
perverting  that  of  the  substance  and  spirit  of  the  poetry 
.  .  .  Whoever  was  its  author,  the  Song  springs  to  us 
from  the  heart  of  the  time."23 

(3)  In  2  Sam.  i.  17  the  lament  over  Saul  and  Jona- 
than24 is  credited  to  David.     There  is  nothing  in  this 
psalm,  historical,  literary,  or  linguistic,  that  militates  in 
any  way  against  Davidic  authorship.     C.  F.  Kent  uses 
these  strong  words:    "This  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful 
elegies  in  the  Old  Testament  and  beyond  reasonable  doubt 
comes  from  Israel's  greatest  king."25 

There  are,  then,  preserved  in  the  Old  Testament  at 


20  The  present  discussion  must,  in  the  nature  of  the  case,  confine 
itself  to  general  considerations;  in  order  to  reach  entirely  satisfactory 
conclusions  each  psalm  must  be  examined  separately. 

21  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  pp.  258,  259. 

22  Judg.  5. 

23  The  Early  Poetry  of  Israel,  pp.  8 1,  82. 

24  Verses  19-27 ;  compare  also  the  lament  over  Abner,  2  Sam.  3.  33,  34- 
86  The  Songs,  Hymns,  and  Prayers  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  71. 

50 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

least  three  pieces  of  poetry  which  cannot  well  be  dated 
subsequently  to  the  age  of  David,26  and  one  of  these  bears 
the  name  of  David  himself.  These  poems  offer  conclu- 
sive evidence  that  the  art  of  poetic  composition  was  suffi- 
ciently developed  in  the  days  of  David  to  warrant  the 
assignment  of  other  poems  to  that  age.  True,  the  lament 
differs  in  its  religious  tone  from  the  psalms  ascribed  by 
tradition  to  David;  but  this  is  to  be  expected,  since  a 
dirge  over  a  fallen  hero  is  not  the  same  as  a  psalm ;  and 
yet  even  the  lament  shows  that  the  warrior  king  of  Israel 
was  capable  of  exquisite  tenderness  and  sympathy.  Is  it 
thinkable  that  a  poet  with  the  genius  of  the  author  of  the 
lament  should  sing  but  once  ?  Is  it  probable  that  a  nation 
capable  of  producing  these  gems  should  during  all  these 
centuries  produce  nothing  else  worthy  of  preservation? 
Is  it  reasonable  to  believe  that  the  Greeks,  Babylonians, 
Egyptians,  and  other  peoples  of  antiquity  sang  to  their 
gods,  but  that  Israel's  saints,  with  their  sublime  faith  in 
Yahweh,  remained  silent?  If  these  questions  are  an- 
swered in  the  negative,  then  either  it  must  be  assumed  that 
all  the  sacred  lyrics  of  ancient  Israel  were  lost  or  it  must 
be  admitted  that  some  of  them  may  have  been  preserved  in 
the  sacred  literature  of  this  the  most  religious  people  of 
the  ancient  world. 

(4)  It  may  further  be  noted  that  Hebrew  tradition  as 
reflected  in  the  Old  Testament  credits  David  with  unusual 
musical  skill:  in  I  Sam.  16.  18  mention  is  made  of  his 
skill  upon  the  harp,  and  2,  Sam.  23.  I  describes  him  as 
the  "sweet  psalmist  of  Israel."27  At  a  later  time  the 
Chronicler  narrates  that  David  introduced  stringed  instru- 

26  To  these  might  be  added  Gen.  4.  23,  24;  Num.  21.  17,  18;  and  per- 
haps Gen.  49. 

27  Literally,  "pleasant  in  the  psalms  of  Israel." 

51 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

ments  into  the  service  of  the  sanctuary  to  accompany  the 
psalms  sung  there.28  Even  more  significant  is  the  offhand 
reference  in  Amos  6.  5,  "that  invent  for  themselves  in- 
struments of  music,  like  David,"29  which  could  have  no 
meaning  to  the  prophet's  hearers  unless  David's  reputa- 
tion was  widely  known.  Thus  it  would  seem  that  in  the 
days  of  Amos,  only  about  two  centuries  after  the  death 
of  David,  he  enjoyed  the  reputation  of  having  been  a 
skilled  musician.  The  a  priori  evidence,  therefore,  allows 
the  possibility  of  David  having  written  psalms.  More 
than  this  can  rarely  be  demonstrated  by  arguments  of 
this  kind. 

The  external  evidence,  which  may  be  considered  next, 
includes  all  definite  ascriptions  of  psalms  to  David.  Here 
belong,  then,  in  the  first  place,  the  psalm  titles  crediting 
psalms  to  the  shepherd  king  of  Israel.  Though  these 
titles  cannot  be  accepted  at  their  face  value,30  is  it  not 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  they  contain  an  element  of 
truth,  that  they  grew  out  of  an  historical  kernel?  Out- 
side of  the  book  of  Psalms  only  one  psalm  is  ascribed 
directly  to  David :  2.  Sam.  22.  i  makes  him  the  author  of 
the  psalm  contained  in  the  rest  of  the  chapter,  which  is 
essentially  identical  with  Psalm  18.  If  the  statement  in 
2  Sam.  22.  i  could  be  accepted  as  contemporaneous  evi- 
dence, the  authorship  of  at  least  one  psalm  would  be  fixed, 
and  it  might  serve  as  a  criterion  by  which  to  judge  others. 
But  unfortunately  this  cannot  be  done ;  the  closing  chap- 
ters of  Second  Samuel,  chapters  21-24,  are  generally  con- 
sidered a  kind  of  appendix  added  at  a  later  time;  hence 
the  assertion  in  2  Sam.  22.  i  has  not  the  force  of  con- 


28 1  Chron.  23.  5;  2  Chron.  29.  25. 
29  Margin,  "like  David's." 
80  See  above,  p.  43. 

52 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

temporaneous  testimony.  At  the  same  time  the  date  of 
the  addition  cannot  be  placed  so  late  as  to  rob  the  state- 
ment of  all  value.  This  being  the  extent  of  the  external 
evidence,  the  question  remains  undecided. 

In  the  absence  of  decisive  external  evidence  the  matter 
under  consideration,  which  is  the  presence  of  Davidic 
psalms  in  the  Psalter,  must  be  settled,  if  at  all,  on  the 
basis  of  internal  evidence,  that  is,  evidence  furnished  by 
the  individual  psalms  themselves.  This  kind  of  evidence 
may  be  arranged  under  four  heads :  ( i )  Historical  allu- 
sions or  references  in  the  psalms;  (2)  religious  and  theo- 
logical ideas  expressed  and  reflected;  (3)  the  relation  of 
a  psalm  to  other  writings  whose  dates  are  known;  (4) 
language  and  style.  The  proper,  scientific  use  of  this 
evidence  is  not  always  an  easy  task.  In  some  cases  the 
historical  allusions  are  so  clear  and  pointed,  as,  for  in- 
stance, in  Psalms  122  or  137,  that  it  is  quite  easy  to  draw 
definite  conclusions,  but  in  many  more  cases  the  data  are 
few  and  indecisive.  Great  caution  must  be  exercised  in 
the  use  of  the  argument  based  upon  the  differences  in 
religious  and  theological  ideas.31  In  the  first  place,  the 
successive  stages  in  the  religious  and  theological  develop- 
ment of  the  Hebrews  are  not  easily  separated.  Moreover, 
the  development  of  Israel's  religion  was  not  in  a  perfectly 
straight  line ;  it  proceeded,  rather,  in  zigzag  fashion,  now 
an  advance,  now  a  relapse,  followed  by  another  advance. 
As  a  result  it  is  at  times  difficult  to  decide  whether  a 
passage  reflects  a  certain  stage  in  the  religious  develop- 
ment when  it  was  reached  in  the  course  of  the  first 
advance,  or  during  the  subsequent  relapse  or  during  the 
second  advance.  Once  more,  cognizance  must  be  taken 
of  the  unusual  spirits.  Even  if  the  general  course  of  the 

31  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  p.  215. 

53 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

religious  development  can  be  determined,  there  are  always 
some  men  in  advance  of  their  age,  while  others  lag  behind. 
Who  can  be  certain  that  a  given  psalm  was  not  written 
by  a  man  representing  one  or  the  other  of  these  classes? 

Difficulties  present  themselves  also  in  any  attempt  to 
determine  priority  in  the  case  of  two  seemingly  related 
passages.  And  in  the  few  cases  in  which  a  conclusion 
may  be  reached  with  any  degree  of  certainty,  only  the 
earliest  possible  date  of  the  dependent  passage  can  be 
fixed,  which  may  leave  a  leeway  of  several  centuries. 
Linguistic  and  stylistic  data  are  almost  always  inconclu- 
sive, especially  when  considered  by  themselves.  In  a  few 
cases,  it  is  true,  they  are  so  striking  that  the  composition 
containing  them  can  be  assigned  to  an  early  or  a  late  date, 
with  a  good  deal  of  assurance;  but  in  the  majority  of 
cases  language  and  style  must  be  considered  unsafe 
criteria,  for  ( i )  language  and  style  are  as  much  a  matter 
of  temperament  and  training  as  of  date,  and  (2)  the  pos- 
sibility always  exists  that  verbal  changes  may  have  been 
made  so  as  to  accommodate  the  language  of  an  early  poem 
to  later  usage.  All  this  simply  shows  that  the  greatest 
caution  must  be  exercised  in  the  use  of  the  internal 
evidence. 

When,  now,  the  bearing  of  the  internal  evidence  on  the 
question  under  discussion  is  considered,  it  is  found,  as  has 
already  been  pointed  out,32  that  the  historical  allusions  in 
some  of  the  psalms  and  the  linguistic  characteristics  of 
others  make  it  necessary  to  set  aside  the  testimony  of  the 
titles  and  deny  the  psalms  to  David.  Similarly,  the  fact 
that  the  eighty-sixth  psalm,  for  example,  gives  evidence 
of  literary  dependence  on  other  psalms,  some  of  them 
certainly  later  than  the  time  of  David,  prevents  the  accept- 

**  See  above,  p.  45. 

54 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

ance  of  the  testimony  of  the  title  in  that  case.  In  still 
other  instances  the  religious  and  theological  ideas  un- 
doubtedly point  to  a  late  date.33 

On  the  other  hand,  there  remain  some  psalms  in  which 
the  most  careful  application  of  the  criteria  indicated  can 
discover  nothing  that  militates  against  Davidic  author- 
ship. In  such  cases  those  who,  nevertheless,  insist  on  a 
late  date  raise  two  more  general  objections:  (i)  The 
claim  is  made  that  the  David  of  the  historical  books  moves 
on  too  low  a  religious  and  ethical  plane  to  permit  the 
belief  that  he  wrote  any  of  the  psalms  in  the  Psalter. 
(2)  Moreover,  it  is  asserted  that  spiritual  religion  of  the 
high  type  reflected  in  the  psalms  was  not  known  as  early 
as  the  time  of  David.  However,  neither  of  these  objec- 
tions is  conclusive.  The  first  rests  upon  an  inadequate 
estimate  of  David's  character.  The  warrior  king  of 
Israel  was  not  without  faults;  indeed,  at  times  he  sank 
to  a  very  low  level.  But  when  this  admission  is  made, 
attention  may  be  directed  also  to  the  bright  side  of  his 
character ;  he  possessed  such  virtues  as  courage,  generos- 
ity, moderation,  and  justice  in  high  degree,  and  even  the 
oldest  elements  in  the  books  of  Samuel  portray  him  as  a 
man  who,  in  spite  of  all  his  shortcomings,  deeply  and 
genuinely  feared  Yahweh.  His  religious  instincts  may 
have  found  expression  chiefly  in  external  forms,  and  his 
ideals  may  have  been  below  New  Testament  standards,  or 
even  below  the  standards  of  later  generations  in  Israel; 
nevertheless,  the  dominating  principle  of  his  life  was  to 
do  the  will  of  Yahweh  as  he  understood  it.  More  cannot 
be  said  of  anyone;  and  he  who  lives  thus  may  well  be 
called  a  man  after  God's  own  heart.  The  manifoldness 
of  David's  character  and  personality  is  admirably  de- 
83  For  example,  Psalm  139. 

55 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

scribed  by  Edward  Irving  in  these  words :  "His  harp 
was  full-stringed,  and  every  angel  of  joy  and  sorrow 
swept  over  the  chords  as  he  passed;  but  the  melody 
always  breathed  of  heaven.  And  such  oceans  of  affection 
lay  within  his  breast  as  could  not  always  slumber  in  their 
calmness.  For  the  hearts  of  a  hundred  men  strove  and 
struggled  together  within  the  narrow  continent  of  his 
single  heart ;  and  will  the  scornful  men  have  no  sympathy 
for  one  so  conditioned  but  scorn  him,  because  he  ruled 
not  with  constant  quietness  the  unruly  host  of  diverse 
natures  which  dwelt  within  his  single  soul?"34  With 
this  more  adequate  view  of  David's  personality  it  becomes 
quite  possible  to  believe  that  in  some  of  the  loftier 
moments  of  his  life  and  experience  he  gave  expression 
to  his  confidence,  his  penitence,  his  hopes,  his  aspirations, 
and  other  emotions  in  words  of  song  for  which  his  poetic 
genius  qualified  him  so  well. 

The  other  objection  also  lacks  sufficient  justification. 
That  the  religion  and  ethics  of  the  Hebrews  developed 
from  a  lower  to  a  higher  level  is  undoubtedly  true;  but 
this  idea  may  easily  be  carried  beyond  proper  bounds, 
and  it  is  carried  farther  than  the  facts  warrant  by  those 
who  assert  that  the  eighth-century  prophets  are  the  dis- 
coverers or  founders  of  spiritual  religion  in  Israel.  The 
ideals  reflected  in  the  utterances  of  these  prophets  imply 
a  long  previous  religious  history,  "such  as  leaves  abundant 
room  for  Davidic  psalms  two  hundred  years  before." 
Moreover,  the  presence  of  great  souls,  in  advance  of  their 
age  in  spiritual  vision,  must  always  be  reckoned  with.35 
Hence,  even  if  the  age  of  David  had  been  on  too  low  a 
plane  to  give  expression  to  its  religious  emotions  in  the 

34  Works,  vol.  i,  p.  416. 
u  See  above,  p.  54. 

56 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

words  of  songs  now  in  the  Psalter,  David  still  might  have 
been  a  writer  of  psalms,  because  he  might  have  surpassed 
his  contemporaries  in  depth  of  religious  experience  and 
clearness  of  spiritual  insight.  And  even  if  it  should  be 
insisted  that  his  life  as  a  whole  did  not  rise  to  a  suffi- 
ciently high  level,  another  fact  must  be  considered,  espe- 
cially notable  in  persons  of  highly  poetic  temperament, 
namely,  that  at  times  such  persons  seem  to  rise  above 
themselves,  to  heights  which  at  other  times  are  far  beyond 
them.  Why  may  not  David  have  had  moments  of  spirit- 
ual elevation  when  he  burst  into  song  of  matchless  sweet- 
ness and  beauty? 

In  the  very  nature  of  the  case  conclusions  reached  by 
these  lines  of  argument  never  can  have  the  certainty  of 
mathematical  demonstration.  "In  the  quest  for  Davidic 
psalms,"  says  J.  E.  McFadyen,  "we  can  never  possibly 
rise  above  conjecture."36  Assertions  must  always  remain 
in  the  realm  of  probability,  though  at  times  probability 
may  amount  to  practical  certainty.  Summarizing,  then, 
the  results  of  this  part  of  the  investigation,  it  may  be  safe 
to  draw  the  following  conclusions — everything  else  must 
remain  more  or  less  uncertain :  ( i )  It  cannot  be  estab- 
lished with  absolute  certainty  that  David  wrote  any 
psalms.  (2)  In  view  of  the  unquestioned  poetic  genius 
of  David,  his  intense  devotion  to  Yahweh,  and  the  pecu- 
liar circumstances  of  his  life,  which  yielded  themselves 
to  poetic  treatment,  it  is  not  improbable  that  he  wrote 
some  psalms.  (3)  Since  David  was  the  great  national  hero 
of  Israel,  who  lived  continuously  in  the  hearts  and  minds 
of  his  countrymen,  it  is  not  likely  that  all  such  psalms 


36  Old  Testament  Introduction,  p.  248;  compare  also  G.  B.  Gray, 
Critical  Introduction,  p.  138. 

57 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

would  be  lost.     (4)  Some  of  the  psalms  credited  to  David 
in  their  titles  are  appropriate  in  his  lips.37 

Preexilic  Psalms.  Notwithstanding  the  opinion  of  a 
few  recent  writers  that  practically  all  the  psalms  are 
postexilic,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  Psalter  con- 
tains numerous  preexilic  psalms  and  fragments  of  psalms, 
even  though  it  may  not  be  possible  to  prove  beyond  ques- 
tion the  date  of  any  psalm.  The  incidental  reference  in 
Amos  5.  23  to  music  and  singing  in  connection  with  the 
worship  of  Yahweh  suggests  that  religious  songs  or 
psalms  were  known  and  used  at  least  as  early  as  the 


37  There  exists  much  difference  of  opinion  regarding  the  number  of 
Davidic  psalms  even  among  those  scholars  who  believe  that  David 
wrote  some  of  the  psalms  in  the  Old  Testament.  The  great  Franz 
Delitzsch  assigned  forty-four  psalms  to  David.  It  should  be  remem- 
bered, however,  that  during  the  later  years  of  his  life  this  scholar  took 
more  advanced  views  on  numerous  Old  Testament  questions;  and  it  is 
not  impossible  that,  had  he  revised  his  Commentary,  the  number  would 
have  been  reduced.  Ewald  specified  seventeen  psalms  or  parts  of 
psalms  as  Davidic.  Koenig,  a  very  cautious  scholar,  is  content  to  say 
"a  number  of  psalms,  among  them  3,  4,  6,  7,  8,  u,  15,  18,  23,  29,  30, 
32."  Schultz  at  one  time  attributed  to  David  ten  or  twelve  psalms, 
but  later  reduced  the  number  to  one,  Psalm  18.  Driver  does  not  care 
to  commit  himself:  "A  non  liquet  must  be  our  verdict.  It  is  possible 
that  Ewald's  list  of  Davidic  psalms  is  too  large ;  but  it  is  not  clear  that 
none  of  the  psalms  contained  in  it  are  of  David's  composition."  Baeth- 
gen,  the  author  of  the  best  modern  commentary  on  the  Psalter  in 
German,  is  in  doubt,  but  thinks  that  some  may  be  ascribed  to  David, 
among  them  3,  4,  18.  C.  A.  Briggs  has  this  to  say:  "Psalm  18  in  its 
original  form  was  probably  Davidic,  and  possibly  Psalm-  7  and  Psalm  60 
(in  part)."  W.  H.  Bennett  reaches  the  following  conclusion:  "In  most 
of  the  Davidic  psalms  the  internal  evidence,  as  far  as  it  goes,  is  un- 
favorable to  Davidic  authorship;  and,  with  the  exception  of  18,  never 
amounts  to  anything  like  a  proof  of  authorship  by  David."  From  these 
statements  it  appears  that  Psalm  18  is  considered  Davidic  by  prac- 
tically all  scholars  who  defend  the  Davidic  authorship  of  any  psalms; 
others  frequently  ascribed  to  him  by  modern  scholars  are  3,  4,  6,  7,  15, 
19.  1-6,  24.  7-10,  29,  32. 

58 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

eighth  century  B.  C.  If  this  was  the  case  at  the  local 
sanctuaries  in  the  northern  kingdom,  is  there  any  reason 
to  doubt  that  similar  songs  were  in  use  at  the  temple  in 
Jerusalem?  That  such  songs  were  used  in  the  southern 
kingdom  is  further  shown  by  the  allusion — again  purely 
incidental  and  therefore  the  more  significant — in  Psalm 
137.  4  to  "songs  of  Zion"  and  "songs  of  Yahweh."  Is 
it  not  natural  to  suppose  that  these  were  the  psalms,  per- 
haps already  combined  in  a  small  collection,  used  in  the 
temple  service  ?  Moreover,  at  least  some  of  the  so-called 
royal  psalms,  for  example,  Psalms  20  and  21,  are  most 
naturally  referred  to  the  time  when  a  king  still  sat  upon 
the  throne,  in  other  words,  to  the  preexilic  period.  The 
fact  that  there  is  no  other  mention  of  psalms  in  the  pre- 
exilic literature  leads  Cornill  to  ask  the  question :  "If 
Israel  had  psalms  in  the  period  before  the  exile,  is  it  think- 
able that  all  the  historians  and  prophets  of  preexilic  times, 
as  if  by  agreement,  should  pass  by  the  psalms  and  con- 
sistently ignore  this  most  precious  gem  of  the  spiritual 
possessions  of  Israel  ?38  But  it  is  at  least  equally  difficult 
to  suppose  that  during  all  these  centuries  the  worship  of 
Yahweh  was  carried  on  without  hymns  and  sacred  songs. 
"When  we  remember,"  says  J.  E.  McFadyen,  "that  for 
nearly  two  centuries  before  the  exile  great  prophets  had 
been  working — and  we  cannot  suppose  altogether  inef- 
fectually, for  they  had  disciples — it  is  difficult  to  see  why, 
granting  the  poetic  power  which  the  Hebrews  had  from 
the  earliest  times,  pious  spirits  should  not  have  expressed 
themselves  in  sacred  song,  or  why  some  of  these  songs 
may  not  be  in  the  Psalter.5'39 


K  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  p.  220. 
89  Old  Testament  Introduction,  p.  249. 

59 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

These  early  songs  may  not  have  been  preserved  exactly 
in  their  original  form;  for  evidently  the  songs  of  Israel 
passed  through  successive  editings  and  combinations  be- 
fore they  reached  their  final  form  in  the  present  book 
of  Psalms  ;40  and  a  comparison  of  modern  hymns  as  they 
appear  in  different  collections  shows  how  easily  and  nat- 
urally sacred  songs  come  to  be  modified  from  time  to 
time.  But  by  the  application  of  proper  methods  of  criti- 
cism it  is  possible  to  separate  the  early  elements  from 
later  additions;  and  when  the  process  of  separation  is 
completed  it  will  be  found  that  the  present  Psalter  con- 
tains much  that  may  have  arisen  during  the  preexilic 
period.41 

Maccabean  Psalms.  Does  the  Psalter  contain  psalms 
that  originated  during  the  Maccabean  period?  As  has 
been  stated,  Duhm  is  inclined  to  assign  most  of  the 
psalms  to  the  century  following  the  Maccabean  upris- 
ing;42 and  though  in  this  extreme  position  he  is  not  fol- 
lowed by  scholars  in  general,  many  believe  that  there  are 
a  few  psalms  in  the  collection  which  can  best  be  inter- 
preted upon  a  Maccabean  background.  The  psalms  gen- 
erally regarded  as  Maccabean  are  44,  74,  79,  and  83, 
because  "they  speak  of  a  desolation  of  the  temple  in  spite 
of  a  punctilious  fulfillment  of  the  law,  a  religious  persecu- 
tion, a  slaughter  of  the  saints,  a  blasphemy  of  the  holy 
name."  It  is  further  claimed  that  "no  situation  fits  these 
circumstances  so  completely  as  the  persecution  of  the  Jews 
by  Antiochus  Epiphanes  in  B.  C.  168,  and  these  psalms 


40  See  further  below,  pp.  646?. 

41  C.  A.  Briggs  assigns  twenty-seven  psalms  or  fragments  of  psalms 
to  the  period  of  the  monarchy;  see  list  below,  p.  63. 

42  See  above,  p.  48;  also  R.  A.  Kennett,  article  "Psalms,"  in  Encyclo- 
pedia Britannica,  nth  ed. 

60 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

betray  many  remarkable  affinities  with  passages  in  the 
first  book  of  Maccabees."43 

The  presence  of  Maccabean  psalms  in  the  Psalter  is  not 
inconsistent  with  what  we  know  of  the  history  of  the  Old 
Testament  canon.  If  the  book  of  Daniel,  written  in  the 
same  period,  found  a  place  in  the  canon,  why  might  not 
a  few  psalms  be  equally  fortunate;  especially  since  these 
might  be  inserted  even  after  the  completion  of  the  collec- 
tion as  a  whole?  Moreover,  the  "Psalter  of  Solomon," 
a  collection  of  poems  reflecting  the  troubles  and  sorrows 
of  the  persecution  under  Pompey,44  and  the  "Odes  of 
Solomon,"45  are  in  -themselves  evidence  that  the  Jews  con- 
tinued to  compose  psalms  for  some  time  after  the  Mac- 
cabean era. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  marked  difference  in  spirit 
between  these  two  collections  and  the  biblical  Psalter 
points  to  a  long  interval  between  the  writing  of  the  Psalms 
in  the  biblical  collection  and  those  in  the  extra-biblical 
books.  In  the  same  direction  points  the  testimony  of 
Ecclesiasticus,  written  about  B.  C.  180,  which  shows 
familiarity  with  many  of  the  psalms.  According  to 
Schechter,  there  are  more  than  seventy  parallels  between 
Ecclesiasticus  and  the  Psalter;  and  the  impression  made 
upon  Schechter  by  the  character  of  these  parallels  was 
"that  of  reading  the  work  of  a  postcanonical  author  who 
already  knew  his  Bible  and  was  constantly  quoting  it."46 


43  J.  E.  McFadyen,  Old  Testament  Introduction,  p.  251.    Bennett  and 
Adeney,  A  Biblical  Introduction,  pp.  145-147;  Driver,  Introduction  to 
the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  387.     It  is  worthy  of  note  that 
these  psalms  are  not  included  by  Briggs  in  his  list  of  Maccabean  psalms; 
see  below,  p.  64. 

44  B.  C.  63-48. 

45  These  come  from  about  the  middle  of  the  first  century  A.  D. 

46  The  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sir  a,  p.  26. 

61 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

Of  the  psalms  generally  assigned  to  the  Maccabean  era 
the  author  of  Ecclesiasticus  seems  to  have  known  Psalms 
44  and  74  ;47  which  would  exclude  them  from  the  list  of 
Maccabean  psalms.  If,  therefore,  these  psalms  reveal 
any  Maccabean  elements,  the  latter  must  be  regarded  as 
later  interpolations  in  the  psalms  coming  from  an  earlier 
date.  Briggs  gives  a  list  of  eight  psalms  or  fragments 
of  psalms  as  coming  from  the  Maccabean  era;48  but 
Fullerton  has  shown  that  at  least  one  of  these  was  known 
to  the  author  of  Ecclesiasticus.49  It  is  clear,  therefore, 
that  the  matter  of  Maccabean  psalms  in  the  Psalter  is  one 
on  which  dogmatic  assertions  cannot  be  made.  The  whole 
situation  may  be  summed  up  in  these  words :  "The  exist- 
ence of  Maccabean  psalms  cannot  be  categorically  denied. 
But  the  question  should  at  least  be  handled  with  caution, 
and  such  psalms  sought  only  in  the  latest  sections  of  the 
Psalter."50 

Dates  of  Individual  Psalms.  Attempts  have  been 
made  to  fix  at  least  approximately  the  dates  of  all  the 
psalms,  but  the  results  are  more  or  less  uncertain.  The 
fact  that  a  given  psalm  fits  into  a  certain  period  is  no 
proof  that  it  comes  from  that  period;  it  might  perhaps 
be  fitted  with  equal  ease  into  some  other  age.  Only  if 
the  occasion  in  question  is  the  only  one  to  which  the  terms 
of  the  psalm  are  applicable  can  certainty  be  reached;  and 
such  cases  are  rare,  if  they  can  be  discovered  at  all. 
It  is  perfectly  safe  to  assert  that  here  again  conclusions 

47  Compare  Ecclus.  46.  u  with  Psalm  44.   18,  and  Ecclus.  36.  6ff. 
with  Psalm  74.  gff . 

48  See  below,  p.  64. 

49  Biblical  World,  September,  1910,  and  succeeding  numbers. 

60  A.  R.  Gordon,  The  Poets  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  114;  compare  also 
H.  T.  Fowler,  A  History  of  the  Literature  of  Ancient  Israel,  pp.  376-378; 
E.  Sellin,  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  pp.  112,  113. 

62 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

never  rise  above  probability  and  in  many  cases  not 
above  possibility.  In  general,  all  that  can  be  said  is  that 
the  psalms  originated  during  the  centuries  beginning  with 
David  and  ending  with  the  Maccabean  era. 

C.  F.  Kent  states  his  conclusions  regarding  the  dates 
of  psalms  in  these  words:  "The  three  great  crises  that 
have  left  their  indelible  stamp  upon  the  Psalter  are  ( i ) 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  586,  (2)  the  seventy  years 
of  discouragement  and  petty  persecution  which  followed 
the  disillusionment  of  those  who  rebuilt  the  second  temple, 
and  (3)  the  bitter  Maccabean  struggle.  The  brighter, 
more  joyous  periods  were  (i)  the  few  short  years  be- 
tween B.  C.  520  and  516,  when  the  temple  was  being 
rebuilt,  (2)  the  period  of  hopefulness  and  rejoicing  fol- 
lowing the  work  of  Nehemiah  in  445,  (3)  the  compara- 
tively calm  though  less  joyous  Greek  period,  and  (4)  the 
confident,  exultant,  warlike  age  inaugurated  by  the  bril- 
liant victories  of  Judas  Maccabeus."51 

The  chronological  arrangement  of  the  psalms  proposed 
by  C.  A.  Briggs  after  a  study  of  the  Psalter  continuing 
during  forty  years  may  serve  as  an  illustration  of  the 
various  attempts  along  that  line : 

I.    The    period    of    the    early    monarchy,    that    is,    before 

Jehoshaphat :  7,  13,  18,  23,  2^b,  6oa,  no 7 

II.    The  middle  monarchy :  3,  20,  21,  27a,  45,  58,  61 7 

III.  The  late  monarchy:  2,   193,  28,  363,  46,  52,  54,  55,  56, 

6ob,  62,  72,  87 13 

IV.  The  period  of  the  exile:  42-43,  63,  74,  77a,  79,  8ib,  82, 

84,  88,  Sgb,  90,  137,  142 13 

V.  The  early  Persian  period  (Haggai  and  Zechariah)  :  4, 
6,  9-10,  11,  12,  14  (=53),  16,  17,  22,  25,  31,  32,  34,  35, 
37,  38,  39,  4i,  57a,  59,  64,  69a,  70  (=4ob),  75,  ?6,  78, 
80,  83,  101,  I09a,  140,  143,  I44a 33 


61  The  Songs,  Hymns,  and  Prayers  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  44. 

63 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

VI.    The  middle  Persian  period  (Ezra-Nehemiah)  :  5,  8,  15, 

26,  29,  30,  4oa,  47,  51,  57b,  65,  66a,  6Qb,  138,  1393,  141. ,     16 
VII.    The  late  Persian  period:  2;b,  36b,  44,  48,  49,  50,  68,  8ia, 

85,  89a,   i02a 1 1 

VIII.    The  early  Greek  period:  93  +  96-100,  66b,  67,  73,  86,  91, 

95,   108,   145 9 

IX.  The  later  Greek  period:  i,  I9b,  24a,  71,  77b,  890,  92, 
94,  103,  1390,  I44b,  119,  120,  121,  122,  123,  124,  125,  126, 
127,  128,  130,  131,  132,  133,  134,  104,  105,  106,  107,  in, 

112,  113,  114,  115,  116,  117,  135,  136,  146,  148,  150 42 

X.    The  Maccabean  period:  33,  I02b,  i09b,   118,  1390,  129, 

147,    149 8 

Total  number  of  Psalms "159 

Compilation  of  the  Psalter.  The  Psalter  has  rightly 
been  called  the  hymn  book  of  the  second  temple.  What- 
ever differences  may  exist  between  it  and  a  modern  hymn 
book — and  they  are  many,  since  the  Psalter  contains 
many  poems  which  in  no  sense  can  be  called  hymns — the 
growth  of  the  Psalter  resembles  that  of  a  modern  hymnal. 
"A  true  hymn  book,"  says  W.  T.  Davison,  "is  not  made, 
it  grows."53  In  a  similar  manner  the  Psalter  has  reached 
its  present  form  as  the  result  of  natural  growth  or  devel- 
opment. It  may  not  be  easy  to  trace  in  detail  all  the 
stages  of  development,  but  careful  study  may  make  it  pos- 
sible to  discover  at  least  the  more  important  steps  in  its 
formation.  W.  R.  Smith  gives  the  following  account  of 
the  process  which  he  thinks  resulted  in  the  present  book 
of  Psalms  :54 


62  The  total  159  instead  of  150  is  due  to  the  breaking  up  of  several 
psalms  into  two  or  more  originally  independent  psalms;  on  the  other 
hand,  some  psalms  now  separate  are  thought  to  have  been  originally 
parts  of  one  single  psalm. 

63  The  Praises  of  Israel,  p.  10. 

"Article  "Psalms,"  in  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  9th  ed.;  The  Old 
Testament  in  the  Jewish  Church,  Chapter  VII. 

64 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

I.    The  formation  of  the  first  Davidic  collection,  with  a  closing 

doxology,  Psalms  1-41" — about  the  time  of  Ezra-Nehemiah. 
II.    The  formation  of  a  second  Davidic  collection,  with  a  doxology 
and  subscription,  Psalms  51-72 — during  the  fourth  century, 
B.  C 

III.  The  formation  of  a  twofold  Levitical  collection,58  a  Korahite 

collection,  Psalms  42-49,  an  Asaphic  collection,  Psalms  50, 
73-83— between  B.  C.  430  and  330. 

IV.  An  Elohistic  redaction"  and  combination  of  II  and  III — dur- 

ing the  third  century  B.  C. 
V     The    addition    to    IV    of    a    non-Elohistic    supplement    and 

doxology,  Psalms  84-89. 

VI.    The  formation  of  another  collection,  which  was  later  added 
to  I  +  V,  Psalms  90-150. 

According  to  this  scheme,  the  completed  Psalter  would 
have  consisted  in  the  beginning  of  three  originally  inde- 
pendent collections,  the  first,  Psalms  1-41 ;  the  second, 
Psalms  42-89;  the  third,  Psalms  90-150.  This  threefold 
division  would  be  earlier  than  the  later  fivefold  division, 
which  has  come  down  to  the  present.58 

In  support  of  this  theory  of  W.  R.  Smith,  at  least  in 
its  general  positions,  attention  may  be  directed  to  the 
following  facts : 

66  Here  as  in  the  other  cases  the  original  collection  may  not  have 
contained  every  psalm  now  found  there;  individual  psalms  may  have 
been  added  subsequently;  in  this  group,  for  instance,  Psalms  I  and  2 
seem  to  have  been  prefixed  at  a  later  time. 

56  John  P.  Peters  has  suggested  that  the  original  Korahite  collection 
was  the  hymn  book  of  the  sanctuary  at  Dan,  the  Asaphic  collection 
that  of  the  sanctuary  at  Bethel;  see  "The  Sons  of  Korah,"  in  Essays 
in  Modern  Theological  and  Related  Subjects,  pp.  41-47;  The  Religion  of 
the  Hebrews,  p.  168;  compare  H.  T.  Fowler,  History  of  the  Literature 
of  Ancient  Israel,  pp.  133-136.  If  this  suggestion  is  correct,  the  psalms 
in  both  collections  must  have  originated  in  the  northern  kingdom; 
and  both  collections  must  have  originated  before  B.  C.  722. 

67  That  is,  a  redaction  in  the  course  of  which  the  divine  name  "Yah- 
weh"  was  uniformly  changed  to  "Elohim." 

68  Book  I,  1-41;  Book  II,  42-72;  Book  III,  73-89;  Book  IV,  90-106; 
Book  V,  107-150;  see  above,  p.  41. 

65 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

1.  The  three  divisions   reveal  differences   in  regard 
to  titles.     In  division  I  all  the  psalms  have  titles  except 
i,  2,  10,  33.     Psalms  i  and  2  seem  to  have  been  added 
to  the  collection  at  a  later  time,  perhaps  as  a  suitable 
introduction  to  the  completed  Psalter;  Psalm   10  was 
originally  a  part  of  Psalm  9,  and  is  so  preserved  in  the 
Septuagint.59    Psalm  33  is  credited  to  David  in  the  Sep- 
tuagint,  but  it,  too,  may  be  a  later  addition.    "Psalm  33," 
says  Kirkpatrick,  "appears  to  be  of  distinctly  later  date, 
inserted  as  an  illustration  of  the  last  verse  of  Psalm  32."60 
In  division  II  all  psalms  have  titles  except  43  and  71. 
Psalm  43  was  originally  a  part  of  Psalm  42;  Psalm  71 
is  without  title  for  reasons  unknown.    In  division  III  few 
psalms  have  titles. 

2.  The  three  divisions  differ  in  alleged  authorship.    In 
division  I  all  psalms  with  titles  are  ascribed  to  David. 
Division  II  contains  psalms  ascribed  to  different  authors ; 
including  the  supplement  there  are  19  psalms  of  David, 
12  of  Asaph,  ii  of  the  sons  of  Korah,  i  of  Solomon,  i 
of  Heman,  the  Ezrahite,  also  ascribed  to  the  Sons  of 
Korah,  i  of  Ethan,  the  Ezrahite,  and  4  are  anonymous. 
Division  III  contains  i  psalm  of  Moses,61  15  of  David, 
practically  all  of  them  bearing  marks  of  a  late  date,  and 
i  of  Solomon ;  all  the  others  are  anonymous.    These  facts 
may  suggest  that  at  first  a  Davidic  collection  was  formed ; 
when  in  time  this  proved  insufficient,  another  collection 
was  made,  probably  out  of  smaller  groups  that  had  been 
gathered  since  the  formation  of  the  first  collection.     In 
the  course  of  time  the  two  collections  proved  inadequate ; 
then  a  third  was  made,  again  probably  out  of  smaller 

69  See  above,  p.  40. 
60  Commentary  on  the  Psalms,  p.  liv. 

81  Perhaps  suitable  for  Moses's  character  and  circumstances;  com- 
pare Psalm  102,  "of  the  afflicted." 

66 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

groups,  one  of  which,  the  Pilgrim  Psalms,62  may  still  be 
recognized. 

3.  The  three  divisions  differ  in  character.  In  the  words 
of  Kirkpatrick:  "Speaking  broadly  and  generally,  the 
psalms  of  the  first  division  are  personal,  those  of  the  sec- 
ond division,  national,  those  of  the  third,  liturgical/'63 
No  doubt  there  are  numerous  exceptions  to  this  rule,  but 
on  the  whole  the  characterization  is  correct:    Personal 
prayers  and  thanksgivings  are  found  chiefly  in  the  first 
part;  petitions  in  times  of  national  calamity  or  thanks- 
givings in  times  of  national  prosperity,  in  the  second; 
while  the  third  consists  largely  of  psalms  of  thanksgiving 
and  praise   intended  primarily   for  use  in  the   temple 
service. 

4.  A  more  striking  difference  may  be  seen  in  the  use 
of  the  divine  names.     In  division  I  Yahweh  occurs  272 
times,  Elohim  alone  only  15  times.    In  division  II,  except- 
ing the  supplement,  Psalms  84-89,  Yahweh  occurs  43 
times,  while  Elohim  is  found  200  times;  in  the  supple- 
ment Yahweh  appears  31   times,  Elohim  7  times.     In 
division  III  Yahweh  is  used  almost  exclusively,  339  times, 
the  only  exceptions  being  Psalms  108  and  144;  and  of 
these  Psalm  108  is  composed  of  fragments  of  two  psalms 
in  division  II,  in  which  Elohim  predominates. 

It  may  not  be  easy  to  determine  the  full  significance 
of  this  difference,  but  there  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  that,  in 
part  at  least,  it  must  be  traced  to  editorial  activity.  It  has 
been  suggested  that  the  preponderance  of  Elohim  over 
Yahweh  in  division  II  is  due  to  a  preference  on  the  part 
of  the  authors  of  the  psalms  in  this  group  for  Elohim; 
but  this  explanation  is  inadequate,  as  appears  from  the 

82  Psalms  120-134. 

63  Commentary  on  the  Psalms,  p.  Iviii. 

67 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

fact  that  two  psalms  that  are  found  in  division  I  with  the 
name  "Yahweh"  are  repeated  in  the  second  division  with 
a  change  of  the  divine  name  to  "Elohim."64  Editorial 
activity  alone  can  account  for  changes  in  other  instances : 
Psalm  50.  7  is  taken  from  Exod.  20.  2 ;  several  verses  in 
Psalm  68  from  Num.  10  and  Judg.  5 ;  Psalm  71.  19  from 
Exod.  15.  n,  and  in  each  case  "Yahweh"  is  changed  to 
"Elohim."  Sometimes  the  change  has  been  made  at  the 
cost  of  clearness.  In  Exod.  20.  2,  for  instance,  occurs 
the  expression,  "I  am  Yahweh,  thy  Elohim,"65  which  is 
intelligible;  Psalm  50.  7  reproduces  this  in  greatly  weak- 
ened form  as  "I  am  Elohim  thy  Elohim."66  Whatever 
the  reason  for  the  alteration  may  have  been,  and  what- 
ever the  full  significance  of  the  differences  between  the 
several  divisions  in  the  use  of  the  divine  names  may  be, 
the  facts  enumerated  seem  to  warrant  the  inference  that 
at  one  time  three  distinct  groups  of  psalms  made  up  the 
Psalter  as  a  whole. 

5.  That  there  must  have  been  different  collectors  and 
collections  is  made  very  probable  also  by  the  fact  already 
mentioned  that  one  and  the  same  psalm  appears  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  book.  Psalm  53,  in  division  II,  is  the 
same  as  Psalm  14,  in  division  I ;  Psalm  70,  in  division  II, 
is  the  same  as  Psalm  40.  13-17,  in  division  I;  and  Psalm 
108,  in  division  III,  is  the  same  as  Psalm  57.  7-11  and 
60.  5-12,  in  division  II.  Is  it  probable  that  one  and  the 
same  collector  would  insert  a  psalm  twice  in  the  same 
collection?  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  present  Psalter  is 
the  result  of  compilation  from  earlier  smaller  collections, 
the  repetition  could  easily  be  explained,  for  one  and  the 

64  Psalm  14  =53;  40.  13-17  =  70;  in  the  latter  the  change  is  not  car- 
ried through  consistently. 
86  Revised  Version,  "I  am  Jehovah  thy  God." 
M  Revised  Version,  "I  am  God,  even  thy  God." 

68 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

same  psalm  might  be  found  in  more  than  one  of  the 
smaller  collections  used  and  thus  reappear  in  different 
parts  of  the  larger  compilation.     Summing  up  the  evi-\ 
dence,  it  would  seem  that  as  the  first  step  individual 
psalms  were  brought  together  to  form  small  collections;   * 
these  small  collections  were  combined  into  three  larger 
collections,  which,  in  turn,  were  united  into  one  book. 
Then,  at  a  later  time,  this  book  was  divided,  after  the 
analogy  of  the  Tor  ah,  into  five  books,  in  which  form  the  / 
Psalter  has  come  down  to  the  present. 

Date  of  Compilation.  The  dates  of  the  several  collec- 
tions cannot  be  definitely  determined.  Probably  none  of 
the  larger  collections,  and  perhaps  none  of  the  smaller 
collections,  were  made  until  after  the  restoration,  when 
the  temple  service  was  arranged  according  to  a  more  sys- 
tematic and  elaborate  ritual.  That  the  Psalter  existed 
practically  in  its  present  form  when  the  Septuagint  trans- 
lation was  made  has  been  stated;67  but  while  the  begin- 
ning of  that  translation,  the  translation  of  the  Pentateuch, 
can  be  assigned  approximately  to  the  middle  of  the  third 
century  B.  C,  it  is  more  difficult  to  fix  the  time  of  its 
completion.  The  Law,  the  Prophets,  and  some  of  the 
Writings  existed  in  a  Greek  translation  as  early  as  132 
B.  C.,  for  the  Prologue  to  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus, 
written  in  that  year,  alludes  to  the  existence  of  three  divi- 
sions of  the  Jewish  canon  of  Sacred  Scripture  in  a  Greek 
translation.  Since  the  Psalter  appears  to  have  been 
received  as  canonical  among  the  first  of  the  Writings,  it 
is  not  improbable  that  the  Septuagint  translation  of  the 
Psalms  was  in  existence  at  that  time.  If  so,  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Hebrew  collection  must  be  dated  at  least  a 
generation  earlier.  The  period  between  B.  C.  450  and 

•7  See  above,  p.  41. 

69 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

150,  therefore,  may  be  considered  the  age  of  compilation, 
during  which  the  several  collections  of  psalms  were  made 
and  combined;  this,  however,  does  not  exclude  the  possi- 
bility that  even  after  B.  C.  150  individual  psalms  may 
have  been  added  to  the  collection. 

Chiefly  on  the  basis  of  the  musical  notes  in  the  psalm 
titles  C.  A.  Briggs  suggests  the  following  stages  in  the 
process  of  compilation:68 

I.  Toward  the  close  of  the  early  Persian  period,  before  Nehe- 
miah,  a  collection  of  choice  poems  was  made,  entitled 
Miktamim,  that  is,  golden  poems. 

II.    In  the  late  Persian  period  another  collection  was  formed, 
entitled  Maskilim,  that  is,  religious  meditations. 

III.  At  approximately  the  same  time  the  first  Davidic  collection 

was  edited  as  a  prayer  book  for  use  in  the  synagogues, 
the  editor  drawing  his  material  largely  from  the  two  col- 
lections named. 

IV.  A  short  time  later  the  Psalms  of  the  sons  of  Korah  were 

compiled. 
V.    During  the  early  Greek  period  the  Psalter  of  Asaph  was 

formed  in  Babylonia. 

VI.  A  little  later  an  edition  of  hymns  for  use  in  the  synagogues 
was  prepared  in  Palestine,  entitled  Mizmorim,  or  Psalms. 
The  compiler  embodied  psalms  contained  in  the  earlier 
collections  and  added  directions  for  their  musical  render- 
ing; hence  it  may  be  called  "the  Psalter  of  the  Director." 
VII.  During  the  middle  Greek  period  the  Elohim  Psalter  was 

formed  in  Babylonia  for  synagogue  use  there. 
VIII.    During  the  same  period  a  collection  of  Hallels  or  Songs  of 
Praise,  was  made   for  the  temple  service;  this  received 
additions  during  the  Maccabean  period. 

IX.  Still  in  the  middle  Greek  period  a  collection  of  songs  was 
made  for  the  use  of  pilgrims  on  their  way  to  the  great 
feasts. 

X.  After  the  rededication  of  the  temple  in  B.  C  165  the  present 
Psalter  was  prepared,  combining  psalms  appropriate  for 
use  in  the  temple  and  in  the  synagogue,  and  making  use 
of  all  the  earlier  collections.  The  first  part  was  based 
on  the  Palestinian  Director's  Psalter,  and  was  made  to 

68  Commentary  on  the  Book  of  Psalms,  vol.  i,  pp.  Ixff . 

70 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

embody  chiefly  psalms  from  the  Davidic  Psalter.  The 
Babylonian  Elohistic  Psalter  was  placed  next  and  to  it 
Psalms  84-89  were  added  as  a  supplement.  The  third  part 
was  arranged  around  the  Hallel  and  Pilgrim  collections, 
to  which  were  added  the  remaining  psalms  of  the  Direc- 
tor's Psalter  and  other  appropriate  psalms,  chiefly  of  a 
late  date. 

XL  Toward  the  close  of  the  second  century  B.  C  the  final 
editor  divided  the  Psalter  into  one  hundred  and  fifty 
psalms  and  five  books,  in  accord  with  the  fivefold  division 
of  the  Law. 

Principle  of  Arrangement.  In  former  times  various 
fanciful  meanings  were  read  into  the  arrangement  of  the 
psalms.69  As  a  matter  of  fact,  no  precise  rules  seem  to 
have  been  followed :  A  certain  broad  outline  of  chrono- 
logical order  is  perhaps  discernible;  at  any  rate,  the  earl- 
iest psalms  are  found  chiefly  in  the  first  division,  those 
composed  in  the  middle  period  in  the  second  division,  and 
the  latest  in  the  third  division,  but  there  are  numerous 
exceptions  to  this  rule.  Sometimes  the  topical  principle 
seems  to  have  been  followed ;  that  is,  psalms  dealing  with 
the  same  subject-matter  are  placed  together.  At  other 
times  similarity  in  title  may  have  exerted  an  influence; 
for  instance,  Maskil  is  found  in  Psalms  42-45  and  52-55 ; 
Miktam  in  Psalms  56-60.  In  other  instances  the  presence 
of  "catchwords"  may  have  determined  the  order.  It  has 
been  suggested,  for  example,  that  Psalms  i  and  2  were 
placed  together  because  of  such  words  as  "way"  in  i.  i 
and  2.  12,  or  "meditate"  in  i.  2  and  2.  i.  But  the  indi- 
cations are  not  sufficiently  numerous  to  permit  the  formu- 
lation of  any  fixed  theory  regarding  the  principle  or  prin- 
ciples underlying  the  arrangement  of  the  psalms  in  their 
present  order. 

Classification  according  to  Subject-Matter.     A  clas- 

69  For  illustrations,  see  W.  T.  Davison,  The  Praises  of  Israel,  pp.  236;. 

71 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

sification  of  the  psalms  according  to  subject-matter  is 
almost  an  impossibility,  because  in  many  cases  psalms 
present  a  mixed  character.  "We  find  rapture  blend  with 
pleading,  or  the  night  of  sorrow  lose  itself  in  the  morning 
of  joy,  mood  succeeding  mood  and  experience  passing 
into  experience  more  rapidly  than  the  sunshine  and  rain 
that  blend  and  pass  in  the  sweet  confusion  of  an  April 
morning.  The  rehearsal  of  God's  mighty  acts,  which  one 
generation  tells  to  another,  suddenly  breaks  away  into 
penitence  for  national  sin,  or  an  outburst  of  thanksgiving 
which  abundantly  utters  the  memory  of  his  great  good- 
ness." But  with  full  recognition  of  the  difficulty  of  the 
task  and  of  the  fact  that  any  classification  will  be  open 
to  more  or  less  criticism,  a  classification  along  broad  lines 
may  prove  suggestive : 

I.  PSALMS  NOT  REFLECTING  A  SPECIFIC  HISTORICAL 
SITUATION 

1.  Hymns  in  praise  of  God  as  creator,  governor,  and 
protector  of  the  world  and  his  people,  suggested  by  the 
contemplation  of  his  manifestations  in  nature,  history, 
and  personal  experience.     For  example,  Psalm  8,  God's 
glory  manifested  in  the  creation  of  man;  Psalm  19.  1-6, 
God's  glory  manifested  in  the  heavens;  Psalm  29,  God's 
glory  manifested  in  the  thunderstorm;  Psalm  33,  God's 
glory  manifested  in  his  moral  attributes,  in  creation,  in 
his  government,  in  the  choice  of  Israel.     To  the  same 
general  class  belong  Psalms  36,  65,  66,  76,  92,  103,  104, 
107,  145-147.    Similar  in  tone  are  Psalms  24.  7-10,  47, 
67,   93»   96-100,    in,    113,    115,    117,    118,    134-136, 
148-150;  but  these  differ  from  the  preceding  in  that  they 
contain  invocations  of  a  liturgical  character. 

2.  Experiences,  that  is,  psalms  embodying  the  religious 

72 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

emotions  arising  from  the  poet's  intimate  fellowship  with 
God,  expressing  confidence,  resignation,  spiritual  yearn- 
ing, joy  in  God's  presence,  etc.  Such  experiences  are 
reflected  in  Psalms  16,  23,  26,  27,  42,  43,  62,  63,  84,  91, 
101,  121,  127,  128,  130,  131,  133,  138,  139.  To  the  same 
group  may  be  assigned  the  eulogies  of  the  Law  of  Yah- 
weh  in  Psalms  19.  7-14  and  119.  In  some  psalms  prom- 
ises of  confidence  for  the  future  are  added  to  the  ex- 
pressions descriptive  of  present  conditions;  in  others, 
petitions  that  Yahweh  will  judge  the  wicked  who  are 
trying  to  injure  the  psalmist;  here  belong  Psalms  9,  10, 
n,  12,  14,  52,  53,58,64,75,82. 

3.  Reflections:  (i)  On  God's  moral  government  of 
the  world — he  blesses  the  righteous  and  punishes  the 
wicked,  Psalms  i,  34,  37,  90,  112.  (2)  The  same,  with 
a  pronounced  didactic  purpose — the  author  seeks  to  har- 
monize the  apparent  inequalities  of  life  with  his  belief  in 
God's  moral  government  of  the  world,  Psalms  49  and  73. 
(3)  On  the  character  and  service  acceptable  to  God, 
Psalms  15,  24.  1-6,  32,  50. 

II.  PSALMS  REFLECTING  A  SPECIFIC  HISTORICAL 
SITUATION 

i.  Personal  Psalms,  that  is,  psalms  reflecting  the  per- 
sonal condition  of  the  psalmist,  either  as  an  individual 
or  as  a  representative  of  the  God-fearing  community. 
(i)  Petitions  for  help  in  sickness,  persecution,  or  other 
trouble,  or  for  forgiveness  of  sin,  often  accompanied  by 
expressions  of  assurance  that  the  prayer  will  receive  an 
answer,  Psalms  3-7,  13,  17,  22,  25,  28,  31,  35,  38,  39,  40. 
11-17,  41,  51,  54-57,  59,  61,  69,  70,  71,  77,  86,  88,  109, 
1 20,  140-143.  (2)  Thanksgivings  for  deliverance 
wrought,  Psalms  18,  30,  40.  i-io,  116,  144. 

73 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 
4 

2.  National  Psalms,  that  is,  psalms  reflecting  condi- 
tions in  the  holy  city,  or  the  religious  community,  or  the 
nation,     (i)  Complaints  of  national  oppression  or  disas- 
ter, Psalms-44,  60,  74,  79,  80,  83,  85,  94,  102,  123,  137. 
(2)  Thanksgivings  received  or  promised,  Psalms  46,  48, 
68,  1 08,  114,  124-126,  129;  with  special  reference  to  Zion, 
Psalms  87,  122.     (3)  Retrospect  of  the  national  history, 
with  special  reference  to  the  lessons  deducible  from  it, 
Psalms  78,  81,  95,  105,  106. 

3.  Royal  Psalms,  that  is,  psalms  centering  around  an 
historical  or  ideal  ruler,  embodying  thanksgiving,  good 
wishes,    promises,    prayers    for    his    preservation,    etc., 
Psalms  2,  20,  21,  45,  72,  89,  no,  I32.70 

The  Speaker  in  the  Psalms.  Many  recent  writers 
have  expressed  the  opinion  that  in  most  of  the  psalms,  if 
not  in  all,  the  speaker  who  uses  the  pronoun  of  the  first 
person  singular  is  not  an  individual  but  the  religious  com- 
munity— either  coextensive  with  the  nation  or  a  party 
within  it.  The  "collective"  view  is  not  a  new  discovery, 
for  it  is  reflected  in  the  Septuagint  and  in  the  writings 
of  the  early  church  fathers,  who  interpreted  the  I  of  the 
psalms  allegorically  as  the  voice  of  the  Christian  Church ; 
it  was  also  advocated  by  some  of  the  most  eminent  Jewish 
scholars  of  the  Middle  Ages,  among  them  Raschi,  Ibn 
Ezra,  and  Kimchi.  Through  the  influence  of  Luther  and 
Calvin  the  "individual"  interpretation  prevailed;  but  as 
early  as  the  sixteenth  century  the  Protestant  commenta- 
tor Rudinger  again  favored  the  collective  view.  It  was 
revived  and  expanded  in  the  nineteenth  century  by  Hengs- 


70  For  other  classifications,  see  J.  E.  McFadyen,  Old  Testament  In- 
troduction, pp.  240,  241;  Bennett  and  Adeney,  A  Biblical  Introduction, 
pp.  148,  149;  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament, 
pp.  368,  369. 

74 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

tenberg,  Reuss,  Olshausen  and  Stade,  and  notably  by 
Rudolf  Smend,  who,  as  the  result  of  a  detailed  study  of 
each  individual  psalm,  reached  the  conclusion  that  the  / 
is  invariably  not  an  individual,  but  the  community  ex- 
pressing itself  as  a  personified  unit.71  He  was  followed 
in  large  part  by  W.  R.  Smith  and  by  Cheyne,  who  asserts 
that  to  a  considerable  extent  the  psalmists  speak,  not  as 
individuals,  but  in  the  name  of  the  Church-nation.72 

Meanwhile  the  individual  interpretation  has  not  lacked 
defenders.  Many  scholars  have  insisted  that  the  men 
named  have  carried  the  collective  tendency  too  far  and 
that  the  individual  note  is  much  more  prominent  than 
they  are  willing  to  admit.  The  leader  in  this  reaction 
was  Duhm  ;73  but  most  recent  commentators74  agree  with 
him  in  holding  that  many  of  the  psalms  reflect  the  experi- 
ences of  individuals. 

The  principal  argument  in  favor  of  the  collective  view 
may  be  stated  in  these  words:  The  Psalter  being  the 
hymn  book  of  the  postexilic  community,  it  is  not  prob- 
able that  hymns  included  in  the  collection  should  be  based 
upon  individual  experience;  it  is  much  more  likely  that 
they  should  be  the  outgrowth  of  community  experience. 
Moreover,  the  experiences  and  emotions  reflected  in  the 
psalms  assume  greater  significance  if  they  are  interpreted 
as  the  expressions  of  the  pious  community — or  of  the 
pious  in  the  community — which  was  conscious  of  its  inti- 
mate relationship  with  God  and  of  the  enmity  existing 
between  it  and  the  surrounding  nations,  or  between  the 


71  Article  "Ueber  das  Ich  der  Psalmen,"  in  Zeitschrift  fuer  die  Alttes- 
tamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1888,  pp.  49ff. 

72  The  Historical  Origin  and  Religious  Ideas  of  the  Psalter,  p.  261. 

73  Die  Psalmen,  in  Kurzer  Hand-Commentar,  passim. 

74  Beer,  Baethgen,  Gunkel,  Davies,  Briggs,  etc. 

75 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

faithful  and  the  faithless  within  the  community.  Fur- 
thermore, the  argument  continues,  the  community  inter- 
pretation removes,  or  at  least  lessens,  some  difficulties 
which  the  individual  interpretation  cannot  explain.  At- 
tention is  called,  for  example,  to  the  imprecatory  psalms, 
that  is,  psalms  filled  with  a  spirit  of  hatred  and  vindictive- 
ness,  and  containing  prayers  for  God's  curse  to  fall  upon 
the  enemies  of  the  psalmist,75  or  to  psalms  in  which  far- 
reaching  consequences  are  attached  to  the  deliverance  of 
the  poet.76  It  is  on  the  basis  of  these  considerations  that 
the  conclusion  is  reached  that  the  voices  heard  in  the 
psalms  are  the  voices  not  of  individuals  but  of  the  com- 
munity expressing  its  thankfulness,  its  faith,  its  com- 
plaints, its  despair,  and  similar  emotions. 

What  are  the  facts  in  the  case?  The  use  of  the  pro- 
noun of  the  first  person  plural  in  twenty-seven  psalms 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  in  these  psalms  at  least  the 
poet's  interest  is  primarily  in  the  experiences  and  emo- 
tions of  the  community.77  In  twenty-five  psalms  the 
pronoun  of  the  first  person  is  sometimes  in  the  singular 
and  sometimes  in  the  plural,  while  the  contents  show  that 
in  some  of  these  twenty-five  psalms  the  primary  interest 
is  decidedly  in  the  experiences  of  the  community.78  In 
addition,  there  are  twenty-four  psalms,  chiefly  calls  to 
praise  God  for  his  goodness  or  reflections  on  the  character 
of  the  service  and  worship  acceptable  to  God,  the  contents 


™  Psalms  7,  35,  69,  79,  83,  109,  137,  etc. 

76  For  example,  Psalms  22,  40. 

77  Psalms  21,  33,  46,  47,  48,  50,  60,  65  (in  verse  3a  the  Septuagint  and 
Vulgate  read  "us"  for  "me"),  67,  79,  80,  81,  90,  95,  98,  99,  100,  105, 
113,  115,  117,  124,  126,  132,  136,  144,  147. 

78  Psalms  8,  17,  22,  40,  44,  59,  62,  66,  68,  71,  74,  75,  78,  84,  85,  89, 
94,  103,  106,  116,  118,  122,  135,  137,  141. 

76 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

of  which  make  it  clear  that  the  author  is  not  exclusively 
concerned  with  the  experiences  of  individuals.79  It  would 
seem,  therefore,  that  in  about  one  half  of  the  psalms  the 
community  interest  is  more  or  less  dominant.  The  other 
half,  referring  to  the  speaker  in  the  first  person  singular, 
might,  on  first  sight,  be  thought  to  describe  individual 
experiences  and  emotions.  But  the  case  is  not  quite  so 
simple ;  for  one  of  the  psalms  using  consistently  the  singu- 
lar pronoun  interprets  that  singular  pronoun  as  referring 
not  to  an  individual  but  to  the  community  or  the  nation.80 
Which  immediately  raises  the  question,  To  what  extent 
is  this  usage  adopted  in  other  psalms?  Are  there  other 
psalms  in  which  the  pronoun  of  the  first  person,  though 
in  the  singular,  refers  not  to  an  individual  but,  as  in 
Psalm  129,  to  the  community?  Now,  the  personification 
of  the  nation  as  an  individual,  which  underlies  this  usage, 
is  not  uncommon  in  the  Old  Testament;  hence  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  language  alone  no  objection  can  be 
raised  to  the  community  interpretation. 

But  the  final  decision  must  rest  not  upon  such  general 
considerations  but  upon  a  careful  examination  of  each 
individual  psalm.  Such  examination  must  not  forget  the 
fact  that  in  lyric  poetry  the  poet,  even  when  describing 
his  own  experiences  and  emotions,  frequently  writes  with 
his  eyes  and  mind  on  the  people  about  him,  and  conse- 
quently so  generalizes  his  expressions  that  others,  in  simi- 
lar circumstances,  may  feel  that  he  is  their  spokesman, 
and  are  led  to  appropriate  his  words  as  expressive  of  their 
own  sentiments.  Thus  an  individual  psalm  may  from  the 
very  beginning,  without  the  slightest  editorial  changes, 

79  Psalms  i,  12,  14,  15,  19,  24,  29,  34,  72,  76,  82,  93,  96,  97,  107,  112, 
114,  125,  127,  133,  134,  148,  149,  150. 

80  Psalm  129.  i. 

77 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

possess  traits  fitting  it  for  community  use.  In  other  cases 
expressions  that  appear  to  support  the  community  inter- 
pretation may  be  due  to  later  attempts  of  adapting  an 
originally  individual  psalm  to  community  use  in  the  tem- 
ple service. 

The  conclusions  reached  by  most  of  the  scholars  who 
have  taken  the  trouble  to  subject  the  individual  psalms 
to  a  careful,  detailed  investigation  point  to  the  presence 
in  the  Psalter  of  a  greater  number  of  community  psalms 
than  was  formerly  recognized  on  the  basis  of  the  use  of 
the  plural  pronoun.  On  the  other  hand,  they  show  with 
equal  definiteness  that  the  community  tendency  has  been 
carried  too  far  and  that  the  interpretation  of  every  single 
psalm  as  descriptive  of  community  experiences  is  without 
warrant.  Clearly,  some  of  the  psalms  were  written  with- 
out any  thought  of  community  experience  or  community 
use  in  the  temple,  but  for  the  sole  purpose  of  expressing 
the  poet's  own  individual  experience  and  emotion. 

Devotional  Value.  The  book  of  Psalms  has  fittingly 
been  called  the  heart  of  the  Old  Testament  or  of  the  Bible 
as  a  whole.  "What  the  heart  is  in  man,"  says  Johannes 
Arndt,  "that  is  the  Psalter  in  the  Bible."  The  Psalter 
does,  indeed,  sustain  a  close  relation  to  all  parts  of  the 
Old  Testament.  The  divine  manifestations  which  receive 
more  objective  treatment  elsewhere  are  here  viewed  sub- 
jectively in  their  bearing  and  effect  upon  the  personal  ex- 
perience of  the  author  or  of  those  in  whose  name  he 
speaks.  The  moral  law  and  the  ritual  as  a  means  of 
approaching  God  are  glorified,  the  lessons  of  history  are 
appropriated  and  made  a  matter  of  personal  experience, 
and  the  passion  for  truth  and  righteousness  as  preached 
by  the  prophets  finds  an  even  more  vital  expression  in 
the  words  of  the  psalmists.  There  are  also  some  psalms 

78 


THE  BOOK  OF  PSALMS 

which  reflect  the  influence  of  the  wisdom  movement,  both 
in  its  practical  and  in  its  speculative  aspects. 

The  psalms  grip  the  heart  because  they  are  the  expres- 
sions of  the  deepest  feelings  of  the  human  heart;  they 
are  the  outpourings  of  human  souls  in  closest  fellowship 
with  God,  giving  without  restraint  expression  to  the  most 
various  emotions,  hopes,  desires,  and  aspirations;  there 
are  no  other  literary  compositions  capable  of  creating  the 
same  intense  atmosphere  of  religious  thought  and  emo- 
tion. And  because  they  are  so  true  to  human  nature  and 
experience  they  may  be  used  at  all  times  and  in  all  places 
to  express  the  various  emotions  of  joy,  sorrow,  hope,  fear, 
anticipation,  etc.,  even  of  persons  who  live  on  a  higher 
spiritual  plane  than  did  the  authors.  "What  is  there," 
says  Richard  Hooker,  "necessary  for  man  to  know  which 
the  psalms  are  not  able  to  teach  ?  Heroical  magnanimity, 
exquisite  justice,  grave  moderation,  exact  wisdom,  repent- 
ance unfeigned,  unwearied  patience,  the  mysteries  of  God, 
the  sufferings  of  Christ,  the  terrors  of  wrath,  the  com- 
forts of  grace,  the  works  of  Providence  over  this  world, 
and  the  promised  joys  of  that  world  which  is  to  come,  all 
good  necessarily  to  be  either  known,  or  done,  or  had,  this 
one  celestial  fountain  yieldeth.  Let  there  be  any  grief 
or  disaster  incident  to  the  soul  of  man,  any  wound  or 
sickness,  named  for  which  there  is  not  in  this  treasure 
house  a  present  comfortable  remedy  at  all  times  to  be 
found."81 

The  variety  of  moods  and  experiences  reflected  in  the 
psalms  is  well  brought  out  in  the  following  words  of 
Luther :  "Where  can  one  find  nobler  words  of  joy  than 
the  psalms  of  praise  and  thanksgiving  contain?  In  these 
thou  mayest  gaze  into  the  heart  of  all  the  saints,  as  into 

81  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  V,  37.  2. 

79 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

lovely  pleasure  gardens,  or  into  heaven  itself,  and  see  how 
fine,  pleasant,  delightsome  flowers  spring  up  therein  from 
all  manner  of  beautiful,  gladsome  thoughts  of  God  be- 
cause of  his  goodness.  And,  again,  where  canst  thou  find 
deeper,  more  plaintive  and  heart-moving  words  of  sorrow 
than  in  the  psalms  of  lamentation?  There,  too,  thou 
mayest  look  into  the  heart  of  all  the  saints — but  as  into 
death,  or  hell  itself.  How  dark  and  gloomy  all  things  are 
when  the  heart  is  troubled  by  the  sense  of  the  wrath  of 
God !  And  so  also  when  they  speak  of  fear  or  hope,  they 
use  words  that  no  painter  could  approach  in  coloring,  or 
even  an  orator  like  Cicero  in  vividness  of  description."82 
But  in  spite  of  this  great  variety  of  moods  there  is  one 
bond  that  unites  them  all  into  one  living  unity,  namely,  a 
sublime  faith  in  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Israel.  This  variety 
on  the  one  hand  and  essential  unity  on  the  other  are  the 
qualities  that  have  given  to  the  book  such  unique  place 
in  the  religious  life  of  individuals  and  of  the  church. 
With  full  justice  says  Perowne:  "No  single  book  of 
Scripture,  not  even  the  New  Testament,  has,  perhaps, 
ever  taken  such  hold  on  the  heart  of  Christendom.  None, 
if  we  dare  judge,  unless  it  be  the  Gospels,  has  had  so 
large  an  influence  in  molding  the  affections,  sustaining 
the  hopes,  purifying  the  faith  of  believers.  With  its 
words,  rather  than  their  own,  they  have  come  before  God. 
In  these  they  have  uttered  their  desires,  their  fears,  their 
confessions,  their  aspirations,  their  sorrows,  their  joys, 
their  thanksgivings.  By  these  their  devotion  has  been 
kindled  and  their  hearts  comforted.  The  Psalter  has 
been  in  the  truest  sense  the  prayerbook  of  both  Jews  and 
Christians."83 


•*  Preface  to  the  Psalter. 
88  Commentary  on  the  Psalms,  vol.  i,  p.  18. 

80 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  WISDOM  LITERATURE  OF  THE 
HEBREWS 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  WISDOM  LITERATURE  OF  THE 
HEBREWS 

THE  wisdom  literature  of  the  Hebrews  corresponds  to 
the  philosophic  literature  among  other  peoples.  Philoso- 
phy, in  the  narrower  sense  of  the  term,  which  has  been 
defined  as  "human  speculation  in  pursuit  of  abstract  truth 
and  systematized  thoughts  constructed  on  a  basis  of  meta- 
physics and  ruled  by  strict  laws  of  reasoning,"  had  no 
existence  among  the  Hebrews.  A  process  of  thinking 
free  from  presuppositions  was  unknown  to  them,  for  two 
fixed  points  were  accepted  without  question  by  all  He- 
brew thinkers,  or  at  least  by  those  whose  efforts  have  been 
preserved  in  the  Old  Testament :  ( i )  The  existence  of 
a  personal  God,  and  (2)  the  reality  of  a  divine  revela- 
tion. Accordingly,  the  primary  aim  of  Hebrew  philo- 
sophic thought  was  simply  to  understand  adequately  the 
contents  of  these  two  truths,  to  define  them  more  clearly, 
and  to  apply  them  to  the  problems  of  daily  living. 

But  while  it  is  hardly  correct  to  speak  of  philosophic 
literature  among  the  Hebrews  or  in  the  Old  Testament, 
the  latter  contains  a  type  of  literature  which  presents  at 
least  attempts  at  philosophizing  and  which  is  clearly  dis- 
tinguished from  the  other  kinds  of  literature  found  there 
— prophetic,  priestly,  devotional,  and  historical.  The  cen- 
tral theme  of  the  prophetic  literature  is  the  obligation  to 
serve  Yahweh  alone  and  no  other  God ;  the  priestly  litera- 
ture concerns  itself  chiefly  with  the  ritual  and  other  for- 
mal expressions  of  religion;  the  devotional  literature,  rep- 

83 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

resented  chiefly  by  the  Psalter,  contains  expressions  of 
religious  emotion;  and  the  historical  literature  portrays 
the  movements  of  God  in  human  history.  The  wisdom 
literature  occupies  itself  with  the  universal  moral  and 
religious  principles  that  are  applicable  to  all  human  life. 
To  this  literature  belong  three  or  four  Old  Testament 
books — Proverbs,.  Job,  Ecclesiastes,  and,  according  to 
one  interpretation,  the  Song  of  Songs;  it  includes  also 
a  number  of  psalms,1  and  some  traces  of  the  wisdom 
strain  are  found  in  other  Old  Testament  books.2 

The  Aim  and  Function  of  the  Wise  Men.  The  ori- 
gin of  the  wisdom  literature  may,  in  the  last  analysis,  be 
traced  to  human  need.  The  hearts  and  consciences  of 
some  men  may  be  reached  by  an  authoritative  command 
in  the  name  of  some  one  in  whom  they  have  confidence; 
others  are  influenced  by  way  of  their  aesthetic  sensibili- 
ties through  the  ritual  and  other  beautiful  forms  of  reli- 
gion; the  dormant  emotions  of  some  may  be  roused  by 
an  account  of  the  personal  experiences  of  other  men;  but 
there  always  have  been  and  always  will  be  those  whose 
intellects  must  be  carried,  at  least  in  part,  before  appeals 
to  heart  and  conscience  can  prove  effective.  These  dif- 
ferent means  of  approach  were  tried  among  the  Hebrews 
during  Old  Testament  times :  The  prophet  came  with  the 
authoritative  "Thus  saith  Yahweh,"  it  was  the  task  of 
the  priest  to  make  the  appeal  of  the  ritual  effective,  the 
psalmist  gave  expression  to  personal  experience,  and  the 
wise  man  made  his  appeal  to  the  intellect.  Certainly,  at 
times  the  prophet  might  assume  the  role  of  a  priest  or 
vice  versa,  or  the  psalmist  might  fall  into  the  strain  of 

1  For  example,  Psalms  I,  8,  15,  19,  29,  37,  49,  50,  73,  90,  92,  103,  104, 
107,  139,  147,  148. 

2  Judges,  Habakkuk,  Malachi ;  see  further,  below,  pp.  Sgfi. 

84 


THE  WISDOM  LITERATURE  OF  THE  HEBREWS 

the  wise  man,  or  other  interchanges  of  a  similar  nature 
might  take  place;  nevertheless,  certain  Old  Testament 
passages  make  it  clear  that  the  wise  men  formed  a  dis- 
tinct class  of  religious  workers  in  Israel  during  a  long 
period  of  the  nation's  history.3 

The  wise  men,  like  the  prophets,  were  men  who  knew 
God  intimately,  and  who  as  the  result  of  this  vital  fellow- 
ship 'with  God  were  able  to  comprehend  truth  hidden 
from  the  minds  of  other  men;  then,  like  the  prophets, 
they  sought  to  impress  their  convictions  upon  their  con- 
temporaries. However,  they  differed  from  the  prophets 
in  two  important  respects :  ( i )  While  the  prophets  were 
orators  making  their  appeals  principally  at  great  public 
gatherings,  the  wise  men  seem  to  have  done  their  teach- 
ing in  private ;  they  addressed  themselves  to  small  groups 
or  to  individuals.  (2)  The  prophets  ordinarily  made 
their  appeals  directly  to  the  heart  and  conscience ;  the  wise 
men  were  equally  desirous  of  reaching  the  conscience  and 
of  influencing  conduct,  but  they  accomplished  their  ulti- 
mate aim  in  a  roundabout  way.  They  addressed  them- 
selves to  those  whose  intellects  needed  to  be  carried  before 
their  consciences  could  be  touched;  hence  they  sought 
first  of  all  to  clear  away  the  intellectual  difficulties  or  to 
present  the  reasonableness  of  their  cause ;  then  they  drove 
home  the  truth  to  the  conscience  or  allowed  it  to  make 
its  own  appeal.  The  prophets  commanded,  they  might  or 
might  not  argue  the  case;  the  wise  men  commanded  but 
rarely,  and  when  they  did  so  they  were  careful  to  give 
a  reason  for  the  command.  Ordinarily,  they  were  satis- 
fied with  counseling,  reasoning,  arguing,  making  the 
appeal  only  by  implication.  The  prophet  would  have  said 
to  the  indolent  man :  "Thus  saith  Yahweh,  Go  to  work, 


8  For  example,  Jer.  18.  18;  Prov.  i.  6;  22.  17;  24.  23;  Job  15.  18. 

85 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

thou  sluggard" ;  the  method  of  the  wise  man  is  illustrated 
in  Prov.  24.  30-34 : 

I  went  by  the  field  of  the  sluggard, 

And  by  the  vineyard  of  the  man  void  of  understanding; 

And  lo,  it  was  all  grown  over  with  thorns, 

The  face  thereof  was  covered  with  nettles, 

And  the  stone  wall  thereof  was  broken  down. 

Then  I  beheld,  and  considered  well; 

I  saw,  and  received  instruction: 

Yet  a  little  sleep,  a  little  slumber, 

A  little  folding  of  the  hands  to  sleep ; 

So  shall  thy  poverty  come  as  a  robber, 

And  thy  want  as  an  armed  man. 

False  Wise  Men.  By  the  side  of  the  wise  men  whose 
sayings  and  writings  were  considered  worthy  of  a  place  in 
the  canon  there  was  a  class  of  "false"  wise  men,  corre- 
sponding to  the  false  prophets  and  faithless  priests  against 
whom  the  true  Yahweh  prophets  hurled  such  severe  de- 
nunciations. The  information  regarding  these  "false" 
wise  men  is  limited;  however,  there  probably  were  two 
classes  of  "false"  wise  men  as  there  were  two  classes  of 
"false"  prophets  :4  ( i )  The  mercenary  wise  men,  that  is, 
men  who  did  not  hesitate  to  twist  or  pervert  commonly 
accepted  moral  principles  if  they  thought  it  to  their  own 
advantage  to  do  so;  (2)  the  unspiritual,  though  honest, 
wise  men ;  that  is,  men  who  may  have  been  capable,  sin- 
cere, and  conscientious,  but  who  lacked  spiritual  insight ; 
hence  their  advice  was  determined  by  narrow,  worldly, 
and  political  considerations  and  not  by  religious  convic- 
tion.5 The  counterfeit  wise  men  received  the  severest 


4  See  F.  C.  Eiselen,  Prophecy  and  the  Prophets,  p.  28. 

6  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  reputation  for  unusual  wisdom  enjoyed 
by  Solomon  rested  upon  the  possession  of  this  kind  of  natural  sagacity 
rather  than  of  the  wisdom  that  has  its  source  in  the  fear  of  God  and 
finds  expression  in  high  ethical  instruction. 

86 


THE  WISDOM  LITERATURE  OF  THE  HEBREWS 

condemnation  from  the  Yahweh  prophets.  Isaiah,  for 
example,  pronounced  a  terrible  woe  upon  those  "that  are 
wise  in  their  own  eyes  and  prudent  in  their  own  sight"  ;6 
and  Jeremiah  classed  such  wise  men  with  the  false 
prophets  and  the  insincere  priests.7 

Growth  of  the  Wisdom  Movement.  The  Israelites, 
like  other  peoples,  began  to  reflect  on  general  questions 
affecting  life  as  soon  as  they  attained  to  a  sufficiently 
settled  mode  of  living  to  permit  them  to  think  of  any- 
thing beyond  the  supply  of  the  absolute  necessities  of 
life.  The  earliest  reflections  of  this  kind  usually  find 
expression  in  popular  proverbs  or  parables  or  fables, 
which  reflect,  ordinarily  in  a  one-sided  and  superficial 
way,  everyday  common-sense  experience  and  observa- 
tion.8 In  the  beginning  of  the  movement  the  term  "wis- 
dom" was  without  religious  content;  it  was  used  to 
denote  "the  faculty  of  acute  observation,  shrewdness  in 
discovery  or  device,  cleverness  of  invention."9  The  reli- 
gious leaders  of  Israel  did  not  hesitate  to  take  advantage 
of  this  method  of  teaching;  but,  in  the  nature  of  the  case, 
their  wisdom  sayings  are  permeated  by  a  higher  religious 
and  ethical  spirit.  The  wisdom  reasoning  and  method  are 


6  Isa.  5.  21 ;  the  preceding  verse  may  refer  to  the  same  class  of  wise 
men. 
'Jer.  8.  8-13. 

8  This  early  stage  of  the  wisdom  movement  is  reflected,  for  example, 
in  proverbs  such  as  are  found  in  i  Sam.  10.  12;  2  Sam.  5.  8;  20.  18; 
Jer.  31.  29;  in  a  more  elaborate  form  in  the  fable  of  Jotham,  Judg.  9. 

8-15- 

9  Compare  the  wise  woman  of  Tekoa,  2  Sam.  14.  2ff . ;  the  wise  judg- 
ment of  Solomon,  I  Kings  3.  16-28;  and  his  readiness  to  answer  hard 
questions  and  solve  riddles,   i  Kings  10.   iff.;  the  skill  of  Joseph  in 
interpreting  dreams,  Gen.  41.  39;  the  fame  of  Edom,  Jer.  49.  7;  Obad. 
8;  the  wise  men  of  Egypt,  Gen.  41.  8;  Exod.  7.  n;  i  Kings  4.  30;  Isa. 
19.  n,  12;  the  wise  men  of  the  east,  i  Kings  4.  30,  31. 

87 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

reflected  in  some  prophetic  parables;10  but  these  are 
directed  against  particular  cases  of  sin,  they  are  not 
reflections  on  life  in  general. 

The  wisdom  movement  proper,  as  illustrated  in  the  Old 
Testament,  found  expression  at  first  in  very  simple  form. 
The  wise  men  accepted  the  fundamental  religious  verities 
proclaimed  by  the  prophets ;  they  considered  it  their  task 
to  apply  these  truths  to  the  details  of  everyday  life,  and 
to  instruct  their  contemporaries  in  that  application.  Their 
work  was  necessary  and  of  the  greatest  importance,  for 
they  pointed  out  constantly  and  persistently  that  religion 
cannot  be  separated  from  life.  In  discharging  this  self- 
imposed  duty  the  ancient  wise  men  were  dealing  with 
persons  the  great  majority  of  whom  were  little  removed 
from  the  childhood  stage  in  things  religious  and  ethical ; 
hence  they  must  put  even  the  profoundest  truths  in  the 
simplest  possible  form.  They  must,  as  far  as  possible, 
abstain  from  speculation,  and  confine  themselves  to  sim- 
ple, practical  precepts  which  might  be  expected  to  appeal 
to  the  practical  common  sense  of  the  ordinary  hearer. 
"The  great  desire  of  the  sages,"  says  Marshall,  "was  to 
reduce  the  lofty,  theistic  morality  which  underlies  Mosa- 
ism  to  brief,  pithy  sayings,  easily  remembered  and  readily 
applicable  to  the  everyday  life  of  every  man."11  Out  of 
consideration  for  the  limitations  of  their  hearers  they 
used  not  the  language  and  style  of  the  philosopher,  but 
the  simple,  forceful  style  of  the  poet.  The  book  of 
Proverbs  is  a  collection  of  such  simple,  practical,  wisdom 
sayings  dealing  with  the  ordinary  affairs  of  common  men. 

In  the  course  of  time  more  serious  tasks  demanded  the 


10  For  example,  the  parable  of  Nathan,  2  Sara.  12.  1-7;  the  parable 
of  the  vineyard,  Isa.  5.  1-7;  the  parables  of  Ezekiel,  Ezek.  16,  17,  23. 

11  Job  and  His  Comforters,  p.  4. 


THE  WISDOM  LITERATURE  OF  THE  HEBREWS 

attention  of  the  wise  men ;  for  it  became  incumbent  upon 
them  to  attempt,  by  speculation  or  otherwise,  a  solution 
of  the  more  perplexing  problems  of  life,  though,  in  the 
nature  of  the  case,  the  demand  for  the  more  simple  say- 
ings of  these  moral  guides  did  not  cease.  The  speculative 
wisdom  of  the  Hebrews,  like  all  their  thinking,  is  theistic, 
for  it  starts  from  the  presupposition  that  there  is  a  per- 
sonal God.  Some  traces  of  speculation  are  found  in  the 
book  of  Proverbs,  especially  in  the  first  nine  chapters. 
It  may  be  seen  also  in  some  of  the  so-called  historical 
books.  In  the  book  of  Judges,  for  example,  expressions 
like  these  are  used  again  and  again:  "The  children  of 
Israel  did  evil.  .  .  .He  delivered  them  in  the  hands  of 
.  .  .  They  cried  unto  Yahweh.  ...  He  raised  them  up  a 
deliverer."  The  repetition  of  this  formula  throughout 
the  narrative  indicates  that  the  author  attempted  to  sup- 
ply a  theistic  philosophy  of  the  history  during  the  period 
of  the  Judges.  He  was  familiar  with  the  events  of  his- 
tory, and  the  question  suggested  itself,  What  is  the 
reason  for  the  regular  succession  of  adversity  and  pros- 
perity? He  gave  the  answer,  on  the  basis  of  a  vital 
faith  in  Yahweh  the  God  of  Israel,  in  the  simple  formula 
to  which  reference  has  been  made. 

Speculative  wisdom  is  found  also  in  the  prophetic 
books.  A  philosophy  of  calamity,  for  example,  is  sug- 
gested in  the  question  of  Amos:  "Shall  evil  [calamity] 
befall  a  city,  and  Jehovah  hath  not  done  it?"12  The 
same  prophet  indulges  in  speculation  when  he  explains 
famine,  drought,  blasting  and  mildew,  pestilence,  and 
other  natural  calamities  as  punishments  for  Israel's  dis- 
obedience and  attempts  to  bring  the  people  to  their 


12  Amos  3.  6. 

89 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

senses.13  Another  specimen  of  well-sustained  specula- 
tion is  offered  by  Hab.  i.  i  to  2.  5.  Habakkuk  beholds 
on  every  side  wickedness  and  violence,  and  apparently 
Yahweh  is  doing  nothing  to  punish  the  evildoers.  Since 
the  prophet  believes  Yahweh  to  be  a  holy  and  righteous 
God,  he  feels  perplexed,  and  the  question  arises  in  his 
mind,  How  can  Yahweh  justify  his  indifference  in  the 
presence  of  widespread  wickedness  and  violence?  Cur- 
rent events  offer  a  solution:  Yahweh  is  not  indifferent; 
the  well-deserved  judgment  is  about  to  be  executed  by 
the  all-victorious  Chaldeans.  This  answer,  however, 
instead  of  relieving  the  situation,  only  increases  the 
prophet's  perplexity :  How  can  a  holy  God  use  an  impure 
and  godless  agent  like  the  Chaldeans  for  the  execution 
of  his  divine  purpose?  To  which  comes  the  reply:  The 
wicked  Chaldeans,  though  temporarily  exalted,  will  meet 
certain  doom;  the  righteous  Israel,  though  temporarily 
afflicted,  will  live  forever. 

Amos  and  Isaiah  philosophized  regarding  calamities  of 
various  kinds ;  the  explanation  these  prophets  offered  was 
that  Yahweh  sends  them  as  punishment  for  sin.  Habak- 
kuk wrestled  with  the  problem  created  by  the  apparent 
inequalities  of  life — the  wicked  prosper  while  the  right- 
eous are  oppressed.  How  can  this  condition  of  affairs 
be  harmonized  with  the  belief  that  this  world  is  governed 
by  a  holy  and  righteous  God?  The  prophet  solved  the 
problem  by  the  assertion  that  the  exaltation  of  the  wicked 
and  the  affliction  of  the  righteous  are  only  temporary; 
in  the  end  the  wicked  will  be  destroyed  and  the  righteous 
will  be  exalted.  The  passages  considered  thus  far  look 
at  the  problems  in  their  national  bearings,  not  in  their 
individual  aspects ;  the  perplexity  arose  from  national  ex- 

13  Amos  4.  6-1 1 ;  compare  also  Isa.  9.  8-21. 

90 


THE  WISDOM  LITERATURE  OF  THE  HEBREWS 

periences  and  the  solution  has  to  do  with  changes  affect- 
ing the  nation.  This  national  emphasis  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  during  the  greater  part  of  the  national  life  the  nation 
as  a  whole,  or  the  righteous  nucleus  within  the  nation, 
filled  the  horizon  of  the  religious  thinkers  of  Israel.  The 
prophets  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  were  the  first  to  emphasize 
the  significance  of  the  individual  in  religion  and  ethics;14 
and  from  their  time  onward  attention  came  to  be  focused 
upon  the  fortunes  of  individuals ;  consequently,  problems 
seen  previously  only  in  their  national  bearings  came  to 
be  recognized  as  equally  troublesome  when  created  by  the 
experiences  of  individuals.  The  sufferings  of  godly  indi- 
viduals and  the  prosperity  of  wicked  individuals  de- 
manded explanation. 

In  Mai.  2.  17  to  4.  3  the  inequalities  of  life  are  con- 
sidered, though  not  exclusively,  in  their  individual  as- 
pects. Malachi  and  the  religious  thinkers  of  his  age  were 
confronted  by  two  serious  problems.  There  was,  first  of 
all,  widespread  religious  indifference  and  skepticism,  due 
in  large  measure  to  the  nonfulfillment  of  prophecies  pre- 
viously delivered.15  The  people  were  sorely  disappointed, 
and  many  began  to  ask,  Why  do  the  promises  made  to 
the  fathers  remain  unfulfilled?  What  has  become  of  the 
divine  interest  in  us  or  the  divine  care  for  us?  But  if 
Yahweh  cannot  or  will  not  do  anything  for  us,  why  con- 
tinue to  waste  our  sacrifices  and  offerings  in  his  service? 
These  national  disappointments  were  troublesome  enough ; 
but  the  saints  in  the  community  who  would  retain  their 
faith  in  Yahweh  were  confronted  by  another  difficulty. 
According  to  popular  ideas  piety  should  invariably  be 
followed  by  prosperity,  impiety  by  adversity.  Now,  there 

14  F.  C.  Eiselen,  Prophecy  and  the  Prophets,  pp.  159-162,  219. 
16  F.  C.  Eiselen,  Prophecy  and  the  Prophets,  p.  276. 

91 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITIiNGS 

had  grown  up  in  Jerusalem,  during  the  first  half  of  the 
fifth  century  B.  C,  a  group  of  godless  nobles  who  by 
the  use  of  unscrupulous  means  succeeded  in  accumulating 
immense  fortunes,  which  enabled  them  to  live  in  luxury 
and  splendor,  while  their  victims,  many  of  them  God-fear- 
ing and  upright,  were  reduced  to  abject  poverty.  Small 
wonder  that  the  question  arose  in  many  quarters,  Where 
is  the  God  of  justice?16  or  that  many  who,  perhaps,  never 
had  attained  a  strong,  living  faith  gave  way  to  a  temper 
of  moroseness,  skepticism,  and  even  positive  hostility  to 
Yahweh.  Malachi,  in  attempting  to  explain  the  problems, 
followed  in  the  footsteps  of  his  predecessors.  The  non- 
fulfillment of  the  prophetic  promises  he  traced  to  the 
sinfulness  of  the  people,  not  to  the  unwillingness  or 
inability  of  Yahweh  to  bless  his  chosen  people;17  and  he 
promised  that  the  present  inequalities  of  life  would  be 
straightened  out  when  Yahweh  would  appear  in  judg- 
ment.18 

In  addition  to  these  and  similar  illustrations  of  "wis- 
dom" speculation,  the  Old  Testament  contains  two  books 
that  are  devoted  entirely  to  this  kind  of  speculation,  the 
books  of  Job  and  Ecclesiastes.  The  first  named  deals 
with  the  age-long  problem  of  suffering,  especially  the 
suffering  of  the  righteous  man,  while  Ecclesiastes  con- 
siders the  perplexities  of  life  in  general. 

"Mai.  2.  17. 

17  Mai.  3.  7-12. 

18  Mai.  3.  13  to  4.  3. 


92 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

Name.  The  Massoretic  title  of  the  book  of  Proverbs 
is  rt&ia  "toBT^  Mishele  Shelomoh,  that  is,  Proverbs  of 
Solomon,  which  is  translated  in  the  Septuagint,  Trapoipiat 
SaAopuvro?,2  Paroimiai  Salomontos;  in  the  Vulgate,  Liber 
Proverbiorum.  The  book  is  an  anthology  of  Hebrew 
and  Jewish  proverbial  literature,  but  its  contents  are  by 
no  means  confined  to  sayings  that  are  commonly  known 
as  proverbs.  The  Hebrew  word,  ^??,  mashal,  frequently 
translated  "proverb,"  means  in  reality  "representation" 
or  "similitude";  that  is,  "a  statement  not  relating  solely 
to  a  single  fact,  but  standing  for  or  representing  other 
similar  facts.  The  statement  constituting  the  mashal 
may  be  one  deduced  from  a  particular  instance,  but 
capable  of  application  to  other  instances  of  a  similar  kind, 
or  it  may  be  a  generalization  from  experience,  such  as 
in  the  nature  of  the  case  admits  of  constantly  fresh  appli- 
cation. The  mashal  is  by  usage  limited  almost  entirely 
to  observations  relative  to  human  life  and  character,  and 
is  expressed  commonly  in  a  short,  pointed  form."3  The 
mashal,  therefore,  may  be  in  the  nature  of  a  fable,  para- 
ble, proverb,  riddle,  moral  or  political  maxim,  satire, 
philosophical  or  speculative  sentence;  and,  as  a  matter 

1  Usually  abridged  to  "5?^''?,  mishele,  by  the  later  Jews. 

2  Codex  Vaticanus  omits  SaXcyiwiros. 

3  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p. 
394- 

95 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

of  fact,  all  these  forms  are  found  in  the  book  of 
Proverbs.4 

Contents  and  Outline.  With  the  exception  of  chapters 
1-9  the  book  of  Proverbs  does  not  submit  itself  readily  to 
detailed  analysis  or  outline,  for  chapters  10-31  consist 
almost  wholly  of  disconnected  sayings;  only  occasionally 
kindred  sayings  are  gathered  in  groups  of  two  or  more 
couplets,  while  in  a  few  cases  successive  stanzas  begin 
with  the  same  letter  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet.5  On  the 
whole,  the  description  of  the  book  as  a  "forest  of  pro- 
verbs" is  not  inappropriate. 

The  book  of  Proverbs  consists  of  eight  parts  of  un- 
equal length,  with  a  general  heading.  Seven  of  the  eight 
constitute  the  collection  of  proverbs,  one,  the  first,  seems 
to  have  been  prefixed  at  a  later  time  as  a  suitable  intro- 
duction to  the  entire  collection. 

Preface:  THE  NATURE  AND  OBJECT  OF  PROVERBIAL  WISDOM  (i.  1-6) 
I.    THE  PRAISE  OF  WISDOM  (i.  7  to  9.  18) 

1.  Warning  against  crimes  of  violence  (i.  7-19)- 

2.  Wisdom's  denunciation  of  those  who  despise  her  (i.  20-33). 

3.  The  pursuit  of  wisdom  as  the  road  to  virtue  and  the  fear  of  God 

(2.  1-22). 

4.  Blessings  of  piety  and  the  value  of  wisdom  (3.  1-20). 

5.  Wisdom  a  protection  (3.  21-26). 

6.  Liberality  and  integrity  (3.  27-35). 

7.  A  father's  counsel  (4.  i  to  5.  6). 

8.  Fidelity  to  the  marriage  relation  (5.  7-23). 

9.  Folly  of  becoming  surety  for  another  (6.  1-5). 
10.  Advice  to  the  sluggard  (6.  6-n). 


4  The  Hebrew  and  English  Lexicon  edited  by  Brown,  Driver,  and 
Briggs  gives  the  following  meanings  of  mashal:  (i)  Proverbial  saying, 
brief,  terse  sentence  of  popular  sagacity;  (2)  Byword;  (3)  Prophetic, 
figurative  discourse;  (4)  Similitude,  parable;  (5)  Poem,  of  various  kinds; 
(6)  Sentences  of  ethical  wisdom. 

6  For  example,  20.  7-9;  22.  2-4;  but  this  peculiarity  may  be  purely 
accidental. 

96 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

11.  Various  forms  of  wrongdoing  (6.  12-19). 

12.  Warning  against  adultery  (6.  20-35). 

13.  Warning  against  the  wiles  of  the  harlot  (7.  1-27). 

14.  Wisdom's  call  (8.  1-36). 

15.  Wisdom  and  folly  contrasted  (9.  1-18). 

II.  PROVERBS  OF  SOLOMON  (10.  i  to  22.  16) 

A  collection  of  miscellaneous  aphorisms  on  life  and  conduct. 

III.  WORDS  OF  THE  WISE  (22.  17  to  24.  22) 
Practical  precepts  in  the  form  of  maxims  and  proverbs. 

IV.    ADDITIONAL  SAYINGS  OF  THE  WISE  (24.  23-34) 
Appendix  to  III,  and  similar  to  it. 

V.    ADDITIONAL  PROVERBS  OF  SOLOMON  (25.  i  to  29.  27) 
Appendix  to  II ;  consisting  for  the  most  part  of  short  sayings  like 
those  in  II. 

VI.    THE  WORDS  OF  AGUR  (30.  1-33) 

A  series  of  epigrams  dealing  with  the  divine  transcendence  and  with 
various  human  characteristics. 

VII.    THE  WORDS  OF  KING  LEMUEL  (31.  1-9) 

A  series  of  maxims  in  which  Lemuel  is  warned  by  his  mother  against 
sensuality  and  indulgence  in  wine,  and  exhorted  to  care  for  the 
poor. 

VIII.    AN  ANONYMOUS  ALPHABETIC  ACROSTIC  (31.  10-31) 
Description  of  a  virtuous  and  capable  housewife. 

Each  of  the  eight  divisions  has  characteristics  of  its 
own,  which  is  in  itself  evidence  that  they  did  not  all 
originate  at  the  same  time  or  were  written  by  the  same 
individual.  Division  I  is  in  the  nature  of  a  hortatory 
introduction  to  the  proverbs  in  10.  iff.  The  wise  man — 
who  probably  had  before  him  the  rest  of  the  book,  or  at 
least  the  more  important  parts  of  it — speaking  as  a  father, 
warns  his  son  or  disciple  against  the  temptations  and 
dangers  to  which  he  will  be  exposed,  invites  him  to  listen 
to  the  precepts  he  is  about  to  utter,  and  urges  upon  him 
the  claims  of  wisdom  to  be  his  friend  and  guide.  The 

97 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

wrongs  against  which  he  utters  the  most  persistent  warn- 
ings are  crimes  of  violence  and  unchastity,  but  other 
forms  of  wrongdoing  are  not  overlooked.  One  of  the 
most  beautiful  passages  in  the  whole  book,  if  not  in  the 
entire  wisdom  literature,  is  chapter  8,  which  portrays 
wisdom  as  calling  to  men  and  offering  to  them  herself 
and  her  gifts  as  a  priceless  boon.  "The  unity  of  thought 
and  efficiency  operative  in  the  world  is  here  abstracted 
from  God,  the  actual  operator,  and  presented  as  a  per- 
sonal agent,  the  first-born  child  of  the  Creator,  standing 
beside  him  and  giving  effect  to  his  creative  design,  after- 
ward, in  history,  inspiring  kings  and  princes  with  their 
best  thoughts,  delighting  in  the  sons  of  men  (verse  31), 
and  promising  abundant  reward  to  those  who  will  commit 
themselves  to  her  guidance.  The  representation  in  3.  19, 
20;  8.  22ff.  is  the  prelude  of  the  later  doctrine  of  the 


In  literary  form  this  section  differs  greatly  from  the 
rest  of  the  book.  It  consists  not,  like  the  succeeding 
chapters,  of  disconnected  proverbs,  but  of  continuous, 
well-developed  proverbial  discourses.  The  style  is  flow- 
ing and  in  the  nature  of  "rich  rhetorical  prose  rather  than 
of  finely  polished  poetry."7  The  hortatory  element  is  so 
pronounced  that  Delitzsch  and  others  have  directed  atten- 
tion to  striking  similarities  in  tone,  purpose,  warmth  of 
feeling,  and  even  expression  between  these  chapters  and 
the  book  of  Deuteronomy.  "As  Deuteronomy  would  have 
the  rising  generation  lay  to  heart  the  Mosaic  Torah,  so 
here  the  author  would  impress  upon  his  hearers  the  Torah 
of  wisdom." 


6S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament, 
p.  396. 

7  A.  R.  Gordon,  The  Poets  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  268. 

08 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

Division  II  constitutes  the  main  body  of  the  book.  It 
consists  of  a  series  of  loosely  connected  proverbs,  each 
proverb  consisting  of  two  lines,8  each  line,  as  a  rule,  of 
three  or  four  words.  In  the  first  few  chapters9  antithetic 
parallelism  is  used  almost  exclusively,  but  in  the  remain- 
ing chapters  the  other  types,  synonymous  and  synthetic 
or  constructive  parallelism,  are  not  uncommon.  No  clear 
or  well-defined  plan  of  arrangement  is  discernible;10  in 
some  instances,  however,  proverbs  centering  around  the 
same  subject  or  containing  the  same  characteristic  words 
seem  to  be  grouped  together.11 

Though  division  II  contains  some  religious  proverbs, 
on  the  whole  the  generalizations  are  drawn  from  secular 
life.  The  religious  proverbs  emphasize  the  divine  sover- 
eignty,12 the  service  acceptable  to  God,13  the  reward  of 
the  righteous  and  the  punishment  of  the  unrighteous — 
always  in  this  world.14  There  are  frequent  contrasts 
between  the  wise  and  the  foolish,  the  rich  and  the  poor, 
the  diligent  and  the  slothful,  the  reverent  and  the  scoffer. 
Wealth  as  such  is  declared  to  be  an  advantage,15  but  man 


8  The  Hebrew  text  shows  only  one  exception,  19.  7,  which  has  three 
lines,  but  this  has  arisen  from  a  corruption  of  the  text;  the  Septuagint 
has  preserved  in  the  place  of  verse  70  a  complete  couplet.  With  this 
change  the  total  number  of  proverbs  in  division  II  becomes  376. 

•  Chapters  10  to  15. 

10  Ewald  subdivided  the  section  into  five  parts,  with  new  beginnings 
at  IO.  I;  13.  i;  15.  20',  17.  25;  19.  2O. 

11  10.  6-7,  11-12,  14-15,  16-17,  18-19;  12.  5-7;  15.  8-9;  16.  12-15; 
18.  6-7,  etc. 

12  15.  3,  11;  16.  2,  4,  9;  17.  3;  19.  21;  20.  12,  24;  21.  2,  30,  31;  22.  2, 
etc. 

13  II.  I,  20;  12.  22;  15.  8,  9,  26;  16.  5,  6;  17.  15;  20.  10,  23;  21.  3,  27, 
etc. 

14 10.  2,  3,  6,  7,  25,  27,  30;  ii.  4,  5,  6;  15.  16,  29,  etc. 
16 10.  15;  13.  8;  14.  20,  24;  19.  4;  22.  7. 

99 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

is  warned  against  putting  his  trust  in  it,16  and  the  asser- 
tion is  made  that  riches  wrongly  acquired  profit  noth- 
ing.17 Care  for  the  poor  is  a  special  sign  of  piety.18 
Children  are  instructed  to  respect  and  obey  their  par- 
ents,19 and  parents,  to  use  their  authority  over  the  chil- 
dren ;20  a  good  wife  is  pronounced  a  blessing  from  God,21 
but  a  bad  one  a  curse.22  The  king  is  regarded  with  awe 
and  reverence,23  and,  in  general,  is  referred  to  in  terms 
of  praise  and  admiration.24  National  prosperity,  like 
individual  prosperity,  is  the  reward  of  righteousness.25 
Pride  is  a  source  of  much  trouble  ;26  the  folly  of  becoming 
surety  for  another  is  emphasized  ;27  and  numerous  prov- 
erbs deal  with  the  right  and  wrong  use  of  speech.28 

The  opening  verses  of  division  III  are  in  the  nature 
of  an  introduction,  in  which  the  author,  perhaps  the 
compiler  of  the  collection,  states,  in  the  first  person,  the 
purpose  of  the  proverbs  which  follow  and  invites  atten- 
tion to  the  admonitions  contained  therein.  In  subject- 
matter  this  section  is  similar  to  the  preceding,  but  the 
hortatory  tone  is  much  more  prominent ;  as  a  result  this 
part  of  the  book  is  "less  a  collection  of  individual  prov- 
erbs than  a  body  of  maxims  in  which  proverbs  are  inter- 


16  ii.  28. 

17 10.  2. 

18 14.  31;  17.5;  19. 17. 

19 13.  i;  15.  5;  19.  26;  20.  20. 

20  13.  24;  19.  18;  22.6,  15. 

21 12.  4;  18.  22;  19.  14. 

22 II.  22;  19.  13;  21.  9,  19. 

23 16.  14,  15;  19.  12;  20.  2. 

24 14.  28,  35;  16.  10,  12,  13;  20.  8,  26,  28;  21.  I;  22.  II. 

26 14-  34- 

26  13.  10;  16.  18,  19;  21.  4. 

27  ii.  15;  20.  16;  compare  6.  1-5. 
28 10.  ii,  13,  14,  18-21,  31,  32,  etc. 

100 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

woven,  addressed  with  a  practical  aim29  to  an  indi- 
vidual,30 and  worked  up  usually  into  a  more  or  less 
consecutive  argument."  The  purpose  and  aim  naturally 
affect  the  literary  form.  Two-line  proverbs,  or  distichs, 
are  rare,31  and  there  is  only  one  tristich;32  generally  four 
lines,  that  is,  a  tetrastich  or  two  distichs,  are  given  to 
the  development  of  an  idea,  the  second  half  emphasizing 
it  by  means  of  repetition,  or  furnishing  a  reason,  or  sug- 
gesting a  purpose,  or  in  some  other  way  completing  the 
thought.33  Frequently  the  theme  is  developed  at  even 
greater  length;  there  are  some  pentastichs34  and  hexa- 
stichs,35  a  heptastich,36  and  an  octastich,37  and  in  one 
case  a  short  poem  is  given  to  the  presentation  of  one 
theme.38 

Division  IV,  with  the  title,  "These  also  are  sayings  of 
the  wise,"  is  an  appendix  to  division  III,  which  it  re- 
sembles, both  in  contents  and  literary  form :  a  hexastich,39 
a  distich,40  a  tristich,41  a  tetrastich,42  and  a  decastich,43 
in  which  the  parable  of  the  sluggard  is  developed. 

29  Compare,  for  example,  the  warnings  against  becoming  surety  for 
another,  22.  26,  27;  excessive  indulgence,  23.  1-3;  pursuit  of  riches, 
23-  4»  55  gluttony  and  drunkenness,  23.  20,  21,  29-35. 

30  Compare  the  expression  "my  son"  in  23.  15, 19,  26;  24.  13,  21,  which 
is  very  common  in  division  I,  but  used  only  once  in  division  II,  19.  27. 

31  22.  28;  23.  9;  24.  7-10. 

32  22.  29. 

33  22.  22-23,  24-25,  26-27;  23.  10-n,  etc. 

34  23. 4-5;  24. 13-14. 

35  23.  1-3,  12-14,  19-21,  26-28;   24.  11-12. 

36  23.  6-8. 

37  23.  22-25. 

38  23-  29-35. 

39  24.  23-25. 

40  Verse  26. 

41  Verse  27. 

42  Verses  28,  29. 

43  Verses  30-34;  see  above,  p.  86. 

101 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

Division  V  bears  the  title,  "These  also  are  proverbs  of 
Solomon,  which  the  men  of  Hezekiah  king  of  Judah 
copied  out."44  Evidently,  therefore,  it  is  intended  to 
be  understood  as  an  appendix  to  division  II.  But  while 
there  are  some  resemblances  between  it  and  the  main 
collection  of  "Proverbs  of  Solomon,"  in  other  respects 
it  exhibits  marked  differences.  Since  division  II  covers 
practically  all  human  interests,  it  is  only  natural  that,  on 
the  whole,  the  subject-matter  of  the  appendix  should  be 
the  same :  there  are  a  few  religious  proverbs,45  the  fool46 
and  the  sluggard47  are  condemned,  and  agricultural 
industry  is  inculcated.48  As  in  division  II,  the  address 
"my  son"  occurs  but  once  ;49  two-line  proverbs  are  much 
more  common  than  in  divisions  III  and  IV,  but  the  longer 
forms,  unknown  in  II,  are  also  found;  there  are  several 
tristichs50  and  tetrastichs,51  at  least  one  pentastich52  and 
a  decastich.53  A  favorite  type  of  proverb,  exceedingly 
rare  in  division  II,  is  the  so-called  comparative  proverb, 
in  which  a  truth  is  illustrated  from  nature  or  human  life; 
sometimes  the  comparison  is  expressed;  at  other  times 
the  particle  of  comparison  is  omitted.54  The  grouping 
of  individual  proverbs  seems  to  be  determined  at  times, 
as  in  division  II,  by  the  presence  of  characteristic  words 


44  25.  i. 

45  29. 13,  25,  26. 

46  26.  I,  3-I2J  27.  22. 

47  26. 13-16. 

48  27. 23-27. 

49  27.  II. 

50  25.  8,  13,  20;  27.  10,  22;  28.  10. 
61 25.  4-5,  9-10,  21-22,  etc. 

62  25.  6-7. 

63  27. 23-27. 

64  25.  3,  11,  12,  14,  18,  19,  20,  23,  26,  28;  26.  3,  7,  9,  II,  14,  17,  21,  23; 
28.  3,  15,  etc. 

102 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

or  expressions  ;55  on  the  other  hand,  the  grouping  accord- 
ing to  subject-matter  is  carried  much  farther.56  The 
king  is  a  prominent  figure,57  but,  on  the  whole,  he  is  not 
spoken  of  as  highly  and  favorably  as  in  II.  The  collec- 
tion as  a  whole  leaves  the  impression  that  the  conditions 
reflected  are  different  from  those  presupposed  in  10.  i 
to  22.  1 6. 

Division  VI  is  full  of  difficulties.  It  bears  the  title, 
"The  words  of  Agur  the  son  of  Jakeh ;  the  oracle" ;  which 
is  followed  by  the  additional  introductory  statement, 
"The  man  saith  unto  Ithiel,  unto  Ithiel  and  Ucal."58 
The  latter  part  of  this  introduction  is  both  awkward  and 
obscure;  it  becomes  smoother  reading  if,  with  the  margin 
of  the  Revised  Version,  it  is  joined  to  verses  2-4  as  a 
part  of  the  speaker's  utterance,  and  translated,  with 
slight  alteration  of  the  text:  "I  have  wearied  myself,  O 
God,  I  have  wearied  myself,  O  God,  and  am  consumed : 
For  I  am  more  brutish.  .  .  .  "  The  word  translated 
"oracle,"  in  the  first  part  of  the  title,  also  creates  diffi- 
culty. It  is  introduced  very  abruptly  and  is  commonly 
used  only  of  prophetic  utterances;  hence  most  modern 
scholars  believe  that  it  should  not  be  translated  at  all,  but 
should  be  understood  as  a  proper  name,  the  home  of 
Agur,  and  should  be  rendered  "of  Massa."59  The  same 
change  should,  perhaps,  be  made  in  31.  i.  If  so,  the 
proverbs  in  divisions  VI  and  VII  may  have  been  of  non- 
Jewish  origin,  and  may  have  been  later  adapted  by  the 

55  25.  8-9,  11-12;  26.  1-2. 

"The  king,  25.  1-7;  fools,  26.  3-12;  the  sluggard,  26.  13-16;  flattery, 
26.  23-26,  28,  etc. 
"25.  1-7;  28.  2,  12,  15,  16,  28;  29.  2,  4,  14,  16. 

68  30.  i. 

69  The  name  is  used  in  Gen.  25.  14  of  a  district  in  Arabia.    Another 
emendation  giving  the  reading  "the  proverb  writer"  is  less  probable. 

103 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

editor  to  Jewish  modes  of  thinking.  Nothing  is  known 
of  Agur  or  Jakeh,  or  of  Lemuel  in  31.  i. 

It  is  by  no  means  certain  that  the  heading  should  be 
made  to  include  the  whole  of  chapter  30;  perhaps  only 
verses  1-6,  or,  at  the  most,  verses  1-9  are  to  be  regarded 
as  the  words  of  Agur,  not  in  their  original  form  but  as 
worked  over  by  a  pious  Jew.  It  is  even  possible  that 
only  verses  2-4  are  to  be  interpreted  as  the  utterance  of 
Agur,  in  which  he  asserts  that  it  is  impossible  to  know 
God ;  verses  5  and  6  might  then  be  regarded  as  a  rebuke 
and  contradiction  of  this  skeptical  statement  by  a  pious 
Jew,  who,  in  verses  7-9,  utters  a  prayer  that  he  may 
never  be  tempted  to  lose  faith  in  his  God. 

If  verses  10-33  are  separated  from  the  preceding  sec- 
tion, they  must  be  regarded  as  an  anonymous  collection 
of  nine  groups  of  proverbs,  each  describing  some  quality 
or  character  in  terms  of  either  warning  or  commendation. 
In  most  of  the  proverbs  the  number  four  is  conspicuous ; 
four  marks  of  a  wicked  generation,60  four  insatiable 
things,61  four  wonderful  things,62  four  intolerable 
things,63  four  things  little  but  wise,64  four  stately 
things.05 

Division  VII  is  entitled  "The  words  of  king  Lemuel ; 
the  oracle  which  his  mother  taught  him."66  The  verses 
contain  warnings  against  debauchery  and  injustice  and 
an  exhortation  to  care  for  the  poor  and  needy. 


60  30. 11-14. 

61  Verses  15,  16. 

62  Verses  18-20. 

63  Verses  21-23. 
•*  Verses  24-28. 
66  Verses  29-31. 

M  This  should  be  rendered,  with  margin  Revised  Version,  "The  words 
of  Lemuel  king  of  Massa,  which  his  mother  taught  him."  Compare  30. 1. 

104 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

The  closing  division67  is  an  anonymous  alphabetic 
acrostic  in  praise  of  a  virtuous  and  capable  housewife. 
It  consists  chiefly  of  two-line  stanzas  in  which  synony- 
mous parallelism  predominates. 

Date  and  Authorship.  The  critical  questions  regard- 
ing the  origin  of  the  book  of  Proverbs  are  similar  to 
those  regarding  the  origin  of  the  Psalter.  The  latter  is 
a  collection  of  groups  of  psalms  credited  to  various 
authors;  similarly,  the  book  of  Proverbs  is  a  collection 
of  groups  of  wisdom  sayings  ascribed  in  their  titles  to 
different  authors.  Leaving  aside  the  introduction,  chap- 
ters 1-9,  the  book  claims  to  contain  proverbs  of  Solo- 
mon,68 words  of  the  wise  men,69  and  words  of  Agur  and 
Lemuel.70  The  titles  indicating  authorship  were  added 
by  late  editors;  hence  there  exists  the  same  uncertainty 
as  in  the  case  of  the  psalm  titles,  and  their  value  can  be 
determined  only  by  a  careful  investigation  of  all  available 
evidence. 

Following  the  statement  in  i.  i,  and  with  complete 
disregard  of  the  other  titles,  the  traditional  view  has  been 
that  Solomon  is  the  author  of  all  the  proverbs.  Support 
for  this  view  was  found  in  i  Kings  4.  29-34,  a  passage 
celebrating  Solomon's  wisdom,  especially  in  verse  32, 
which  states  that  the  wise  king  "spake  three  thousand 
proverbs ;  and  his  songs  were  a  thousand  and  five."  The 
wisdom  of  Solomon  was  as  manifold  as  that  reflected  in 
the  proverbial  literature ;  it  was  partly  practical,71  partly 
philosophical,72  in  part  it  lay  in  the  region  of  natural 

87  31. 10-31. 
Kio.  i;  25.  i. 

69  22. 17;  24.  23. 

70  30.  i;  31.  I. 

71  For  example,  i  Kings  3.  16-28. 

72  i  Kings  4.  31. 

105 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

history,73  and  in  part  it  consisted  of  the  ability  to  solve 
riddles  or  answer  hard  questions.74 

Modern  scholarship,  practically  without  exception, 
has  given  up  the  traditional  view  for  the  following  rea- 
sons: (i)  The  titles  themselves  recognize  diversity  of 
authorship;  (2)  the  differences  in  character  between 
the  several  collections  point  in  the  same  direction;  (3) 
proverbs  are  repeated  in  whole  or  in  part,  not  only  in 
different  divisions,  but  within  the  same  division  of  the 
book,  which  would  be  difficult  of  explanation  on  the 
assumption  that  the  entire  book  is  the  work  of  a  single 
author.75  But,  granting  diversity  of  authorship,  may  the 
two  divisions  said  to  contain  proverbs  of  Solomon76  be 
ascribed  to  the  wise  king  of  Israel?  This  question  also 
is  answered  in  the  negative  by  modern  scholars :  ( i ) 
Though  the  nature  of  the  Solomonic  proverbs  is  not 
indicated  in  i  Kings  4.  32,  the  context  suggests  that 
they  consisted  of  comparisons  between  men  and  trees 
or  animals,  which  is  not  true  of  many  of  the  proverbs 
in  the  Solomonic  collections.  (2)  The  frequent  repeti- 
tions within  the  first  collection  credited  to  Solomon  sug- 
gest that  it  contains  proverbs  coming  from  different 
periods  and  authors;  and  is  not  the  product  of  a  single 
individual.  (3)  The  character  and  contents  of  many 
proverbs  make  it  impossible  to  assign  them  to  King 
Solomon.  One  would  hardly  expect  the  advice  regarding 
proper  behavior  in  the  presence  of  a  king77  to  come 
from  one  who  himself  was  a  king ;  indeed,  all  the  proverbs 

73 1  Kings  4.  33. 
74 1  Kings  10.  i. 

75  Compare  14.  12  with  16.  25;  10.  i  with  15.  20;  10.  2  with  n.  4! 
14.  31  with  17.  5,  etc. 
76 10.  i  to  22.  16;  25.  i  to  29.  27. 
77  23.  1-3;  25.6,7. 

1 06 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

centering  around  the  king  receive  a  more  natural  inter- 
pretation as  expressing  the  sentiment  of  the  people  con- 
cerning the  king  than  as  reflecting  the  feeling  of  a  king 
concerning  himself  or  other  kings.  Similarly,  proverbs 
depreciating  wealth,  or  condemning  excessive  taxation, 
or  praising  monogamy,  do  not  sound  natural  in  the  mouth 
of  Solomon.78  These  considerations  have  convinced 
modern  scholars  that  even  the  two  collections  ascribed 
to  Solomon  in  their  titles  cannot  come  from  him  in  their 
entirety. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  sweeping  assertion  of  Smend 
that  "Solomon  has  no  connection  whatever  with  the 
canonical  proverbs"79  is  without  warrant.  A.  B.  David- 
son gives  a  much  truer  interpretation  of  the  facts  when 
he  writes :  "Much  may  be  referred  to  the  age  of  Solomon, 
particularly  the  sayings  in  chapters  10-22,  though  much 
even  in  this  division  may  be  later."80  In  other  words, 
the  situation  is  much  the  same  as  in  the  case  of  Davidic 
psalms:81  (i)  It  cannot  be  established  with  absolute  cer- 
tainty that  Solomon  wrote  any  of  the  proverbs  contained 
in  the  book  of  Proverbs.  (2)  In  the  light  of  the  state- 
ments in  i  Kings  4.  29-34  it  is  not  improbable  that  he 
was  an  author  of  proverbial  sayings.  (3)  Since  Solomon 
continued  to  live  in  the  minds  of  the  people  as  the  wise 
king  par  excellence,  it  is  not  probable  that  all  such  prov- 
erbs would  be  lost.  (4)  Some  of  the  proverbs  in  the 
collections  bearing  his  name  are  not  inappropriate  in 
his  lips.  But  even  admitting  that  some  of  the  proverbs 

78  Consider,  for  example,  13.  i;  15.  16;  18.22;  19.  13,  14;  21.  31; 
22.  14;  29.  4  in  the  light  of  Solomon's  life  and  character  as  portrayed 
in  i  Kings  i-n. 

79  Alttestamentliche  Religionsgeschichte,  p.  510. 

80  The  Book  of  Job,  p.  Ixx. 

81  See  above,  p.  57. 

107 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

may  come  from  Solomon,  there  is  no  way  of  separating 
these  Solomonic  proverbs  from  others  originating  dur- 
ing subsequent  generations  and  centuries.  The  tradition 
ascribing  all  the  proverbs  to  Solomon,  reflected  in  i.  i, 
is  due  to  a  tendency  noticeable  also  in  the  case  of  the 
laws  and  the  psalms,  of  ascribing  late  institutions  and 
literary  productions  to  early  heroes:  Moses,  the  typ- 
ical representative  of  law,  was  credited  with  all  Jewish 
law;  David,  the  typical  representative  of  psalmody,  was 
credited  with  all  the  psalms;  in  like  manner  Solomon, 
the  typical  representative  of  wisdom,  was  credited  with 
the  whole  proverbial  literature.82 

The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  determining  the  dates 
of  individual  proverbs  are  as  great  and  troublesome  as 
in  the  case  of  the  psalms.  Perhaps  the  only  assertion 
that  can  safely  be  made  is  that  it  is  quite  impossible  to 
determine  definitely  the  date  of  a  single  proverb.  The 
tendency  at  the  present  time  is  to  assign  practically  all  the 
proverbs  in  their  present  form83  to  the  late  postexilic 
period,  between  Job  and  Ecclesiasticus,  that  is,  between 
about  B.  C.  400  and  180.  In  support  of  this  contention 
attention  is  directed  to  the  following  data :  ( i )  The 
tacit  assumption  of  monotheism  throughout  the  book, 
which,  it  is  claimed,  cannot  belong  to  the  preexilic  or 
even  the  early  postexilic  period.84  (2)  The  absence  of 
characteristic  national  traits.  The  only  national  element 
is  the  mention  of  sacrifice.  On  the  other  hand,  significant 
terms,  like  Israel,  Israel's  covenant  with  Yahweh,  temple, 
priest,  or  prophet,  are  completely  ignored.  There  is  also 
a  significant  broadening  of  the  term  "law,"  so  as  to 


82  See  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  p.  87. 

83  It  is  admitted  that  some  may  rest  upon  simpler,  preexilic  sayings. 

84  See  Ezek.,  Chapters  6,  8,  23,  etc.;  Zech.,  Chapter  13;  Job  31.  26,  27. 

108 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

include  the  teaching  of  the  wise  men,  not  only  the  direct 
commandments  of  Yahweh.  "This  non-national  form  of 
thought,"  says  Toy,  "belongs  to  a  sort  of  culture  which 
did  not  exist  among  the  Jews  till  they  were  scattered 
throughout  the  world  and  came  under  Persian  and  Greek 
influence."85  (3)  The  social  life  depicted  is  that  of  the 
later  period :  monogamy  is  taken  for  granted  ;86  agricul- 
tural pursuits  occupy  a  relatively  insignificant  place;  chief 
attention  is  given  to  city  life  with  its  special  occupations 
and  temptations ;  the  vices  condemned  are  those  prevalent 
in  the  cities  of  the  later  age;  the  system  of  education 
reflected  is  more  advanced  than  that  of  Deut.  6;  the 
relation  between  king  and  subjects  is  not  that  of  the 
earlier  Old  Testament  books  but  of  later,  post-Old  Testa- 
ment writings.  (4)  The  philosophic  conceptions  belong 
to  the  time  when  the  Jews  came  into  contact  with  the 
non-Semitic  world,  more  especially  with  Greek  thought 
and  civilization:  The  practical  identification  of  virtue 
with  knowledge;  the  exaltation  and  personification  of 
wisdom,  which  is  credited  with  all  the  functions  which 
elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testament  are  ascribed  to  Yahweh 
himself;87  the  expression  of  skepticism  in  30.  2-4  finds 
parallels  only  in  other  postexilic  wisdom  books.  (5)  The 
very  existence  of  a  separate  class  of  wise  men,  such  as 
the  wise  men  of  Proverbs  are  said  to  have  been,  points 
to  a  late  date.  The  words  "wise"  and  "wisdom"  are  used 
in  other  Old  Testament  books,  but  there  they  refer  to 
mechanical  or  artistic  skill,88  cleverness  in  ordinary 

86  The  Book  of  Proverbs,  p.  xxi. 

86  Polygamy  existed  and  was  regulated  by  law  during  the  earlier 
centuries,  Deut.  21.  15-17;  Lev.  18.  18. 

87  See  especially  Chapter  8,  in  which  wisdom  is  said  to  control  all 
human  society  and  to  have  been  present  at  the  creation  of  the  world. 

88  Exod.  35.  10;  Isa.  40.  20;  I  Chron.  22.  15. 

109 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

affairs,89  political  sagacity,90  magical  or  prophetic  knowl- 
edge,91 or  general  intelligence.92  In  Proverbs  and  the 
other  wisdom  books  the  terms  relate  to  a  definite  class 
of  teachers  "whose  function  is  the  pursuit  of  universal 
moral  and  religious  wisdom — men  who,  unlike  the 
prophets,  lay  no  claim  to  supernatural  inspiration,  but 
make  their  appeal  simply  to  human  reason."  Jer.  9.  23 
is  quoted  to  show  that  down  to  the  close  of  the  national 
history  of  Judah  the  wise  men  were  looked  upon  with 
suspicion  by  the  Yahweh  prophets ;  the  change  in  charac- 
ter and  position  reflected  in  the  wisdom  books  must  have 
taken  place  subsequently  to  the  time  of  Jeremiah,  which 
throws  the  legitimate  wisdom  activity  into  the  postexilic 
age.  (6)  The  proverb  writers  appear  to  have  known  the 
Law  and  the  Prophets93  in  completed  form.94  (7)  The 
literary  form  of  the  proverbs  in  the  book  of  Proverbs  is 
artistically  superior  to  that  of  the  proverbs  known  to  be 
early.95  (8)  A  comparison  with  the  other  wisdom 
books,96  both  as  to  language  and  thought,  favors  a  late 
postexilic  date  for  the  book  of  Proverbs.97 

But  these  arguments  are  by  no  means  conclusive :  ( i ) 
It  is  true  that  the  earliest  dogmatic  statements  of  mono- 


88  2  Sam.  13.  3;  14.  2. 

90 Gen.  41.  33;  Deut.  i.  13;  Isa.  3.  3;  19.  n;  Jer.  8.  9;  Ezek.  27.  8; 
28.  4;  Esth.  i.  13. 
81Exod.  7.  II ;  Dan.  5.  n. 
wHos.  14.  9;  Isa.  ii.  2. 

93  That  is,  the  first  two  divisions  of  the  Old  Testament  canon. 

94  28.  4-9;  29.  1 8. 

96 1  Sam.  10.  12;  24.  13,  14;  i  Kings  20.  n;  Jer.  31.  29,  etc. 

96  The  canonical  books  of  Job  and  Ecclesiastes,  and  the  non-canonical 
Ecclesiasticus  and  Wisdom  of  Solomon. 

97  C.  H.  Toy,  The  Book  of  Proverbs,  pp.  xixff .    G.  B.  Gray,  A  Critical 
Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  I44ff.;  A.  R.  Gordon,  The  Poets 
of  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  259*! 

no 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

theism  are  found  in  Isa.  4off.,  but  it  is  also  a  fact  that 
monotheism  is  at  least  implied  in  much  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment literature  from  the  eighth  century  onward.98  (2) 
The  absence  of  national  traits  may  be  accounted  for  by 
the  aim  of  the  wise  men.  The  standpoint  of  the  pre- 
exilic  prophets  was  primarily  national,  hence  they  could 
not  avoid  referring  to  national  beliefs  and  national  insti- 
tutions ;  the  Old  Testament  narrators,  both  prophetic  and 
priestly,  were  under  the  same  necessity.  But  the  wise 
men,  who  were  dealing  primarily  with  the  practical, 
everyday  affairs  and  needs  of  individuals,  could  accom- 
plish their  purpose,  either  before  or  after  the  exile,  with- 
out reference  to  the  broader  national  interests  and 
institutions.  The  wise  men  undoubtedly  considered  their 
teaching  the  truth  of  Yahweh,  hence  there  could  be  no 
objection  to  calling  their  utterances  Torah."  (3)  The 
social  conditions  reflected  in  Proverbs  were  not  unknown 
before  the  exile.  Since  the  proverbial  teaching  was  in- 
tended primarily  for  popular  guidance,  what  is  more 
natural  than  the  implication  that  monogamy  is  the  normal 
type  of  marriage  relation?  Polygamy  never  was  wide- 
spread among  the  common  people.  The  eighth-century 
prophets  reveal  the  same  familiarity  with  city  temptations 
and  city  vices  as  do  the  writers  of  the  proverbs.  The 
book  of  Proverbs  has  nothing  to  say  about  a  system  of 
education.  The  difference  in  the  portrayal  of  the  rela- 
tion between  king  and  subject  is  easily  accounted 
for  by  the  peculiar  purpose  of  the  wise  men.  (4)  Phi- 
losophizing is  confined  almost  entirely  to  chapters  1-9, 
which,  no  doubt,  are  late ;  but  the  late  date  of  these  chap- 


98  Compare  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Minor  Prophets,  pp.  205,  206,  21 1. 

99  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  pp.  43,  44. 

in 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

ters  does  not  establish  the  same  late  date  for  the  entire 
book.  (5)  The  incidental  reference  to  the  wise  men  in 
Jer.  1 8.  1 8  seems  to  show  that  a  class  of  professional 
wise  men,  ranking  with  the  prophets  and  the  priests,  was 
recognized  at  least  as  early  as  the  days  of  the  prophet 
Jeremiah.  The  existence  of  "false"  wise  men100  no  more 
disproves  the  existence  of  a  class  of  legitimate  wise  men 
than  the  existence  of  false  prophets  and  faithless  priests 
disproves  the  existence  of  legitimate  prophets  and  priests ; 
on  the  contrary,  it  tends  to  establish  it.  (6)  The  passages 
referred  to  do  not  prove  that  the  Law  and  the  Prophets 
were  known  in  their  completed  form.  All  the  expres- 
sions used  can  be  explained  on  the  assumption  of  a  knowl- 
edge of  legal  and  prophetic  teaching  such  as  might  be 
had  by  any  God-fearing  Hebrew  as  early  as  the  eighth 
century.  (7)  Who  can  substantiate  the  claim  that  the 
literary  form  of  the  proverbs  in  the  book  of  Proverbs 
was  unknown  during  the  preexilic  period?  (8)  The 
significance  of  language  and  style  has  been  differently 
estimated.  There  are  undoubtedly  some  late  features, 
but  they  are  not  sufficiently  numerous  to  throw  light 
on  the  dates  of  any  considerable  number  of  proverbs. 
Nor  are  the  resemblances  in  thought  with  the  other 
wisdom  books  of  such  a  character  that  definite  conclu- 
sions respecting  dates  can  be  drawn  from  them.101  All 
this  simply  means  that  the  arguments  in  favor  of  a  post- 
exilic  date  for  virtually  all  the  proverbs  can  in  no  sense 
be  regarded  as  conclusive. 

But  as  it  is  impossible  to  prove  the  postexilic  origin 
of  the  proverbs,  it  is  equally  difficult  to  prove  their  pre- 

100  See  above,  p.  86. 

101  Again,  with  the  exception  of  Chapters  1-9,  which  are  among  the 
latest  portions  of  the  book. 

112 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

exilic  date.  True,  there  are  the  titles  in  10.  i  and  25.  I,102 
but  they,  like  the  psalm  titles,  cannot  be  accepted  as  final 
authority.  Some  have  argued  that  the  frequent  refer- 
ences to  the  king  imply  the  origin  of  the  royal  proverbs 
while  the  Hebrew  monarchy  was  still  in  existence.  If  it 
could  be  shown  that  the  wise  men  always  had  in  mind 
a  king  of  Israel  or  Judah,  this  contention  might  have 
some  weight,  but  evidently  the  outlook  of  the  wise  men 
is  broader,  they  are  thinking  of  kings  in  general,  of  kings 
as  a  part  of  human  society;  and  kings  continued  to  play 
an  important  role  in  society  long  after  the  fall  of  Judah 
in  B.  C.  586.  That  the  argument  is  of  little  or  no  value 
is  further  shown  by  the  fact  that  Ecclesiastes  and  Ecclesi- 
asticus,  both  written  in  the  late  postexilic  period,  contain 
numerous  references  to  kings  similar  to  those  in  Prov- 
erbs.103 Attention  has  also  been  called  to  proverbs  which 
seem  to  reflect  the  spirit  and  moral  fervor  of  preexilic 
prophecy,  proverbs  which  place  the  emphasis  not  on 
ritual  or  sacrifice  but  on  character  and  conduct.104  But 
the  proverbial  literature  being  professedly  interested  in 
life  and  conduct  above  everything  else,  could  there  have 
been  any  other  emphasis  during  the  postexilic  era?  An 


102  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  Chronicler,  who  seems  to  relate  of  his 
heroes  all  that  is  noteworthy,  mentions  no  such  literary  activity  on  the 
part  of  King  Hezekiah.     The  question  may  well  be  asked:  "Were 
Hezekiah's  copyists  a  real  literary  guild  of  the  eighth  century,  or  a 
reflection  back  to  that  period  from  the  postexilic  period,  the  period  of 
the  scribes  and  of  the  wise,  just  as  certain  guilds  of  singers  seem  to  have 
traveled  back  from  postexilic  times  to  the  age  of  David  purely  in  the 
imagination  of  the  Chronicler  (i  Chron.  25)?" 

103  Compare  Prov.  14.  28,  35;  16.  10,  12-15;  19-  I2"»  20.  2,  8,  26,  28; 
21.  i;  22.  11,  29;  24.  21;  25.  2,  3,  5,  6;  29.  4,  14;  30.  28-31;  31.  3,  4 
with  Eccl.  4.  13-16;  5.  9;  8.  2-4;  10.  16, 17,  20  and  Ecclesiasticus  7.  4,  5; 
8.  2;  10.  3. 

104  For  example,  15.  8;  16.  6;  21.  3,  27. 

113 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

argument  for  a  preexilic  date  has  also  been  seen  in  the 
fact  that  the  whole  of  the  book  of  Proverbs  reflects  the 
same  view  of  prosperity  and  adversity  that  is  advocated 
by  the  friends  of  Job,  a  view  that  was  first  seriously 
affected  by  the  individualism  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel. 
But  it  is  evident  from  Mai.  2,  ifft.  that  this  view  persisted 
far  into  the  postexilic  period,  and  from  John  9.  2  that  it 
had  not  fully  disappeared  in  the  days  of  Jesus.  Language 
and  style,  while  not  conclusive  in  themselves,  make  it 
possible  to  assign  some  of  the  proverbs  to  the  preexilic 
period,  but  others  reveal  such  late  features  that  they  must 
be  considered  postexilic. 

This  discussion  shows  how  difficult  it  is  to  fix  the 
dates  of  the  individual  proverbs.  The  traditional  view 
cannot  be  maintained,  but  though  there  is  abundant  evi- 
dence to  prove  the  presence  of  postexilic  proverbs  in  the 
book,  there  is  equally  good  reason  for  believing  that  some 
are  of  preexilic  origin.  Perhaps,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
psalms,  the  facts  justify  only  a  general  statement  to  the 
effect  that  the  proverbs  are  the  outgrowth  of  Hebrew 
and  Jewish  life  and  thought,  beginning  with  Solomon105 
and  ending  about  B.  C.  200.  The  formation,  about  B.  C. 
1 80,  of  a  new  collection  of  proverbial  sayings  in  Ecclesi- 
asticus,  instead  of  an  enlarged  edition  of  Proverbs,  sug- 
gests that  at  that  time  Proverbs  was  considered  a  finally 
closed  book ;  hence  it  is  not  probable  that  any  considerable 
number  of  proverbs  originating  later  than  B.  C.  200  were 
embodied  in  the  canonical  book  of  Proverbs.106 

The  attempt  to  determine  the  dates  of  the  several  col- 


106  It  is  not  impossible  that  even  some  pre-Solomonic  proverbs  may 
have  been  preserved. 

106  This  does  not  exclude  the  insertion  of  individual  proverbs  by  later 
copyists  or  editors. 

114 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

lections  and  of  the  book  as  a  whole  is  beset  with  similar 
difficulties.  On  the  basis  of  the  present  arrangement  the 
following  table  may  be  offered  as  indicating  the  succes- 
sive steps  in  the  formation  of  the  book  of  Proverbs; 
though,  in  the  nature  of  the  case,  there  is  abundant  room 
for  differences  of  opinion : 

I.  Formation  of  a  collection  of  wisdom  sayings  called  "Prov- 
erbs of  Solomon,"107  probably  a  compilation  of  earlier 
smaller  collections. 

II.    Formation  of  an  anonymous  collection  of  "Sayings  of  the 
Wise  Men,"108  embodying  miscellaneous  proverbs. 

III.  Addition  of  a  brief  appendix109  to  the  "Sayings  of  the  Wise 

Men." 

IV.  Combination  of  II  and  III  with  I. 

V.    Formation    of   a    second   collection    entitled    "Proverbs    of 

Solomon,"110  which  was  added  to  IV.111 
VI.     Prefixing  of  a  comprehensive  introduction112  to  I-V. 
VII.    Addition  of  three  or  four  short  appendices,  the  words  of 
Agur,113     an     anonymous     collection,11*     the     words     of 
Lemuel,115  and  an  alphabetic  acrostic.118 

VIII.    Prefixing  of  a  prologue117  by  the  final  editor,  referring  to 
the  entire  book  as  "Proverbs  of  Solomon."118 

If  the  statement  in  25.  I  could  be  accepted  at  its  face 
value — and  there  are  many  who  believe  that  there  is  no 


107  IO.  I  to  22.  16. 

108  22.  IJ  tO  24.  22. 

109  24.  23-34. 

110  25.  I  to  29.  27. 

111  The  wording  of  the  title  in  25.  I  implies  that  the  compiler,  or  at 
least  the  author  of  the  title,  was  familiar  with  the  first  Solomonic  col- 
lection. 

112 1.  7  to  9.  18. 

113  30.  1-9. 

114  30.  10-33. 
"•31.1-9. 
118  31.  10-31. 

117  I.  1-6. 

118  I.  I. 

"5 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

good  reason  for  questioning  its  accuracy119 — the  date  of 
chapters  25  to  29  would  be  fixed  during  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah;  then  10.  i  to  22.  16  might  be  assigned  to  the 
early  part  of  the  eighth  or  the  closing  years  of  the  ninth 
century,  before  the  rise  of  the  evils  condemned  by  the 
eighth  century  prophets;  between  the  two,  some  time 
during  the  eighth  century,  the  "words  of  the  wise,"  in 
22.  17  to  24.  34  would  have  been  compiled.  The  intro- 
duction in  i.  7  to  9.  1 8,  on  account  of  its  resemblances 
to  Deuteronomy,120  might  be  assigned  to  the  closing  years 
of  the  monarchy,  between  the  reform  movement  under 
Josiah  in  B.  C.  621  and  the  exile.  The  three  or  four 
short  appendices,  which  give  every  evidence  of  being 
among  the  latest  portions  of  the  book,121  and  the  prologue 
might  have  been  added  after  the  exile. 

But  can  the  present  arrangement  be  regarded  as  indi- 
cative of  successive  steps  in  the  formation  of  the  book 
of  Proverbs?  A  cautious  and  conservative  scholar  like 
A.  B.  Davidson  feels  perfectly  free  to  disregard  it,  and  he 
argues  strongly  in  favor  of  the  priority  of  chapters  25 
to  29  over  10.  i  to  22.  16,  as  well  as  over  the  other 
divisions  of  the  book;122  and  other  scholars  share  this 
opinion.  The  principal  support  for  this  position  is  found 
in  the  more  regular  and  highly  polished  form  of  the 
proverbs  in  10.  i  to  22.  16  as  compared  with  those  in 
chapters  25  to  29.  The  less  regular,  but  more  forceful 


119  See.  for  example,  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the 
Old  Testament,  p.  407;  but  see  above,  note  102. 

120  See  above,  p.  98. 

121  The  thought  and  form  of  chapter  30,  the  Aramaic  elements  in  the 
language  of  the  sayings  of  Lemuel,  and  the  acrostic  arrangement  of  the 
closing  section  all  favor  a  late  date. 

122  Article  "Proverbs"  in  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  9th  ed. 

116 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

and  epigrammatic  proverbs  in  the  latter  section,  Davidson 
concludes,  are  more  nearly  what  early,  popular  proverbs 
may  be  expected  to  be  than  the  more  regular  proverbs  in 
10.  i  to  22.  1 6,  which  presuppose  an  advanced  stage  of 
literary  culture  and  a  long  development  of  the  art  of 
proverb-making.  If,  now,  chapters  25  to  29,  the  earliest 
collection,  belong  to  the  age  of  Hezekiah,  the  dates  of 
practically  all  the  other  sections  demand  readjustment. 

However,  just  as  the  testimony  furnished  by  the  pres- 
ent arrangement  of  the  book  is  inconclusive,  so  little 
weight  can  be  attached  to  the  chronological  statement  in 
25.  i.123  Hence  the  whole  question  regarding  the  dates 
of  the  several  collections  and  of  the  book  as  a  whole  must 
be  determined  on  the  basis  of  internal  evidence.  Now,  it 
has  been  pointed  out124  that  every  collection  contains 
some  features  which  may  be  interpreted  as  pointing  to  a 
late  date,  while  at  least  the  larger  sections  contain  other 
elements  which  seem  to  favor  an  early  date.125  In  other 
words,  whatever  the  number  of  preexilic  proverbs  em- 
bodied in  the  several  collections  may  be,  these  collections 
appear  to  have  been  compiled  during  the  postexilic  period. 
This  is  the  view  of  most  recent  writers.  A  good  sum- 
mary of  the  whole  matter  is  given  by  C.  H.  Toy  in  the 
following  paragraph :  "Out  of  certain  current  collections 
of  aphorisms  were  first  put  together  our  subsections 
chapters  10  to  15,  16  to  22.  16,  25  to  27,  and  28,  29, 


123  See  above,  p.  113. 

124  See  above,  pp.  io8ff. 

125  In  the  introduction,  i.  7  to  9.  18,  the  resemblances  to  Deutero- 
nomy, which  are  thought  by  many  to  favor  an  early  date,  soon  after 
the  reform  movement  under  Josiah,  are  counterbalanced,  for  example, 
by  the  personification  of  wisdom  in  Chapter  8,  which  is  an  advance 
over  Job  28,  and  is  closely  akin  to  Ecclesiasticus  24  and  to  the  still 
later  Wisdom  of  Solomon. 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

and  from  these  by  different  editors  the  sections  10.  i 
to  22.  1 6  and  25  to  29  were  made,  the  editor  of  the  latter 
being  aware  of  the  existence  of  the  former.  The  two 
may  have  reached  substantially  their  present  form  be- 
tween B.  C.  350  and  B.  C.  300,  the  second  a  little  later 
than  the  first.  During  the  next  half -century  the  section 
III  (22.  17  to  24) 126  was  produced,  and  a  book  of 
aphorisms  was  formed  by  combining  II127  and  IV128 
and  inserting  III  between  them;  it  is  not  apparent  how 
this  position  came  to  be  assigned  III,  but,  as  25.  i, 
('these  also  are  proverbs  of  Solomon')  seems  to  pre- 
suppose 10.  i  ('proverbs  of  Solomon'),  and  III  is  re- 
ferred not  to  Solomon  but  to  the  'sages/  it  is  likely  that 
it  was  added  after  II  and  IV  had  been  combined;  it  is 
possible,  however,  that  it  was  first  attached  to  II,  the 
collection  IV,  with  its  title  unchanged,  being  then  added. 
The  opening  section  (omitting  6.  1-19;  9.  7-12)  may 
have  been  composed  about  the  middle  of  the  third  century 
B.  C.,  and  was  combined  by  its  author  (or  by  some  con- 
temporary editor)  with  II-IV;  the  introduction  (i.  2-7) 
is  couched  in  the  technical  terms  of  the  schools,  and  is 
probably  the  work  of  the  author  of  the  section;  he  seems 
also  to  have  prefixed  the  general  title  (i.  i).  The  addi- 
tions to  the  section  (6.  1-19;  9.  7-12),  which  resemble  III, 
V,129  and  II,  may  be  due  to  the  final  redactor,  or  to  a  very 
late  scribe.  Finally,  the  work  was  completed  by  the  addi- 
tion of  the  fragments  contained  in  chapters  30,  31,  the 
completion  falling  in  the  second  century  B.  C.  Succeed- 
ing copyists  introduced  into  the  text  a  number  of  errors, 


126  Including  sections  H  and  III  in  the  table  given  above,  p.  115. 
127 10.  i  to  22.  16. 

128  Chapters  25  to  29. 

129  Chapters  30,  31. 

118 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

not  only  in  words  and  phrases  but  also  in  arrangement  of 
lines  and  couplets."130 

The  history  of  the  book  as  outlined  by  Toy  differs 
slightly  from  that  suggested  in  the  table  on  p.  115;  but 
this  simply  shows  that  the  data  are  not  sufficiently  numer- 
ous or  definite  to  warrant  dogmatic  assertions  regarding 
details.  If,  therefore,  anyone  should  feel  that  the  con- 
clusions here  set  forth  are  too  definite  or  specific,  he  may 
content  himself  with  the  general  statement  that  the  book 
of  Proverbs  reached  its  final  form  about  B.  C.  200,  and 
that  it  embodies  several  collections  of  wisdom  sayings 
formed  at  earlier  periods,  some  of  them  containing  pre- 
exilic  material. 

Significance  and  Value.  The  charge  has  been  brought 
against  the  book  of  Proverbs  that  it  is  not  truly  religious, 
that  it  moves  on  a  lower  plane  and  contemplates  lower 
aims  than  do  the  other  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  But 
this  estimate  of  the  book  is  altogether  inadequate.  That 
there  are  differences  between  it  and  other  books  in  the 
Old  Testament  canon  may  be  admitted,  but  these  differ- 
ences are  due  not  to  a  lack  of  spiritual  insight  or  moral 
fervor,  but  to  differences  in  aim  and  purpose.  Neither 
the  authors  of  the  individual  sayings,  nor  the  compilers 
of  the  several  collections,  nor  the  editor  of  the  book  in 
its  final  form,  were  interested  primarily  in  prophetic  dis- 
courses or  religious  lyrics ;  their  concern  was  with  those 
simple  precepts  of  life  which,  because  of  their  very  sim- 
plicity, are  ever  needed  for  the  proper  guidance  of  men. 
There  are  two  phases  of  religion,  the  one  internal,  the 
religious  experience,  the  other  external,  the  religious  life. 
The  two  belong  together,  but  at  times  the  first,  at  other 


The  Book  of  Proverbs,  p.  xxx. 

119 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

times  the  second,  may  be  emphasized.  The  authors, 
adapters,  and  compilers  of  the  wisdom  sayings  in  the 
canonical  book  of  Proverbs  placed  the  emphasis  on  life 
and  conduct.  They  sought  to  teach  the  most  difficult  of 
all  lessons — how  to  practice  religion,  how  to  overcome 
the  temptations,  and  to  discharge  the  duties  of  everyday 
life.  Hence,  "Guide  to  the  happy  or  successful  Life" 
would  be  an  appropriate  title  for  the  book. 

The  teaching  of  the  wise  men  rests  upon  a  religious 
basis.  Their  religion  may  not  rise  to  a  New  Testament 
level,  but  in  this  they  resemble  other  Old  Testament  writ- 
ers; their  conceptions  of  reward  and  punishment  may 
be  crude  and  materialistic,  but  this  point  of  view  they 
share  with  all  the  saints  of  Israel  whose  vision  was  con- 
fined to  this  world.  But  with  all  these  shortcomings,  their 
teaching  is  inspired  by  a  firm  belief  in  the  existence  of 
a  personal,  righteous  God  and  his  rule  over  the  world, 
and  in  the  other  great  verities  taught  by  the  prophets. 
Far  from  disregarding  religion  the  writers  of  proverbs 
sought  to  make  it  the  controlling  motive  of  life  and  con- 
duct. As  a  result  a  healthy,  religious  spirit  pervades  the 
book  from  beginning  to  end;  and,  in  addition,  there  are 
numerous  passages  which  give  definite  expression  to  the 
lofty  religious  conceptions  of  the  wise  men.131 

Nevertheless,  as  is  natural  in  a  book  seeking  to  influ- 
ence conduct,  greater  stress  is  laid  upon  ethics,  the  prac- 
tice of  religion.  No  interest  or  relation  of  life  seems 
to  have  escaped  the  attention  of  these  keen  observers  of 
human  nature  and  life.  Precepts  are  given  concerning 
ordinary,  everyday  conduct,132  the  relation  of  men  to 

131  For  example,  3.  5-7;  16.  3,  6,  9;  23.  17,  etc.    The  creed  of  the  wise 
men  is  summed  up  in  the  expression,  "Fear  of  Yahweh." 

132  For  example,  10.  4;  u.  28;  12.  10;  14.  3. 

120 


THE  BOOK  OF  PROVERBS 

their  fellows,133  domestic  relations  and  domestic  happi- 
ness,134 national  life  and  the  proper  attitude  toward  gov- 
ernmental authority,135  as  well  as  concerning  all  other 
relations  of  life.  The  ideals  of  the  authors  are  admirably 
expressed  in  these  words  of  W.  T.  Davison:  "For  the 
writers  of  Proverbs  religion  means  good  sense,  religion 
means  mastery  of  affairs,  religion  means  strength  and 
manliness  and  success,  religion  means  a  well-furnished 
intellect  employing  the  best  means  to  accomplish  the 
highest  ends.  There  is  a  healthy,  vigorous  tone  about 
this  kind  of  teaching  which  is  never  out  of  date,  but 
which,  human  nature  being  what  it  is,  is  only  too  apt  to 
disappear  in  the  actual  presentation  of  religion  in  the 
church  on  earth."136  These  ideals  receive  almost  endless 
application  to  the  problems  of  daily  life  in  a  manner  that 
must  and  does  commend  these  forceful  sayings  even 
to-day  to  the  universal  moral  instincts  of  mankind. 
Hence  no  one  can  question  the  justice  of  McFadyen's 
remark :  "A  book  so  rich  in  moral  precept  and  religious 
thought  may  well  claim  to  have  fulfilled  its  program :  'to 
give  prudence  to  the  simple,  to  the  young  man  knowledge 
and  discretion/  i.  4."  137 


133 For  example,  n.  i;  14.  21;  17.  5. 

134  For  example,  6.  20-22;  18.  22;  31.  10-31. 

135  For  example,  14.  34,  35;  16.  12-15. 

136  The  Wisdom  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  134. 

137  Old  Testament  Introduction,  p.  263. 


121 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

Name.  The  name  of  the  hero1  of  the  book  of  Job  is 
in  the  Massoretic  text,  a-fro  lyyobh,  in  the  Septuagint, 
K>&  lob,  in  the  Vulgate,  Job.  The  etymology  of  the  word 
is  doubtful.  A  favorite  interpretation  regards  it  as  a 
passive  formation  of  a  verb  meaning  "to  be  hostile,"  with 
the  meaning  "object  of  enmity" ;  but  in  reality  no  satis- 
factory explanation  has  been  found,  and  the  meaning  of 
the  word  remains  uncertain.  There  is  no  connection 
between  this  man  and  the  Job  in  Gen.  46.  13  or  Jobab 
in  Gen.  36.  13 ;  but  the  Job  mentioned  in  Ezek.  14.  14,  20 
is  undoubtedly  identical  with  the  hero  of  this  book.2 

Contents  and  Outline.      The  book  of  Job,  in  form  a 

1  No  claim  is  made  anywhere  in  the  book  that  Job  is  the  author.    A 
few  writers  have  assigned  the  book  to  him,  for  instance,  Carpzov. 

2  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  genuine  Septuagint  translation  of  the 
book,  recovered  during  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  from  a 
Coptic  version,  is  shorter  than  the  Hebrew  text  by  nearly  four  hundred 
lines.    The  ordinary  editions  of  the  Septuagint,  as  well  as  the  majority 
of  MSS.,  contain  not  this  text  but  the  Hexaplar  text  of  Origen,  that  is, 
the  Greek  text  constructed  by  this  early  church  father  on  the  basis  of 
the  several  Greek  translations  available  in  his  day.    Though  he  indicated 
by  means  of  critical  marks  the  changes  he  proposed  in  the  Septuagint 
text,  the  critical  signs  have  not  been  preserved  with  any  kind  of  care; 
hence  it  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  determine  from  Origen's  text  the 
original  form  either  of  the  Septuagint  translation  or  of  the  underlying 
Hebrew  text.    The  origin  of  the  differences  between  the  Hebrew  and 
the  genuine  Septuagint  translation  is  not  clear.    At  first  sight  it  might 
seem  that  the  latter  had  preserved  a  more  original  form  of  the  book, 
but  this  is  by  no  means  certain;  and  the  omissions  do  not  remove  the 
difficulties  presented  by  the  Hebrew  text. 

125 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

drama,  relates  how  Job,  a  man  perfect  even  in  the  sight 
of  God,  was  suddenly  overtaken  by  a  series  of  distress- 
ing calamities,  which  finally  caused  him  to  curse  the  day 
of  his  birth  and  to  cry  out  for  death.  All  this  is  contained 
in  the  first  three  chapters.  The  rest  of  the  book,  with 
the  exception  of  a  brief  epilogue  narrating  the  restoration 
of  Job  to  health,  prosperity,  and  happiness,  reports  the 
debates  between  Job  and  other  speakers  to  which  his 
outburst  is  said  to  have  given  rise.  The  book  falls  into 
five  parts  of  unequal  length:  I.  The  prologue,3  written 
in  prose.  The  Satan,  or  "adversary/'  is  permitted  by 
Yahweh  to  test  Job's  righteousness  by  depriving  him  of 
his  wealth  and  children,  and  by  afflicting  him  with  a  loath- 
some disease.  Job  remains  faithful.  II.  Debate  between 
Job  and  his  three  friends.4  Three  friends  of  Job  come 
to  comfort  him;  moved  by  their  unspoken  sympathy,  he 
breaks  forth  in  a  passionate  cry,  cursing  the  day  of  his 
birth  and  praying  for  death.  This  outburst  gives  occasion 
to  the  friends  to  speak,  and  thus  opens  the  debate.  There 
are  three  cycles  of  speeches  ;5  in  the  first  two  each  of  the 
three  friends  speaks  and  Job  replies  to  each ;  in  the  third, 
according  to  the  present  arrangement  of  the  book,  Zophar 
is  absent,  but  Job  speaks  three  times.  III.  The  speeches 
of  Elihu.6  Elihu,  a  young  man  who  is  represented  as  a 
bystander,  has  listened  to  the  debate  and,  vexed  with  both 
Job  and  his  friends,  steps  forward  to  set  both  sides  right. 
IV.  The  speeches  of  Yahweh  and  Job's  submission.7 
When  Elihu  ceases,  Yahweh  intervenes  and  answers  Job 
out  of  the  whirlwind.  The  answer  consists  of  two  parts, 

1  I.  I  tO  2.  10. 
4  2.  II  tO  31.  4O. 

6  Chapters  4-14;  15-21;  22-31. 

6  Chapters  32-37. 

7  38.  i  to  42.  6. 

126 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

each  followed  by  a  few  words  from  Job.  The  aim  of 
Yahweh's  speeches  is  to  bring  Job,  who  has  shown  him- 
self impatient  and  rebellious,  back  into  a  right  attitude  of 
mind  toward  his  God.  This  is  accomplished,  for  Job 
admits  the  folly  of  his  doubts  and  solemnly  retracts  his 
hasty  and  ill-considered  words.  V.  The  epilogue,8  written 
in  prose.  Job,  restored  to  a  right  attitude  of  heart  and 
mind,  receives  the  divine  commendation,  while  his  friends 
are  condemned  for  their  foolish  utterances.  Then  he  is 
blessed  with  a  prosperity  twice  as  great  as  he  enjoyed 
before. 

I.  THE  PROLOGUE — JOB'S  TEST  AND  FAITHFULNESS  (i.  i  to  2.  10) 

1.  Job's  uprightness  (i.  1-5). 

2.  Job's  first  test  and  his  faithfulness  (i.  6-22). 

3.  Job's  second  test  and  his  faithfulness  (2.  i-io). 

II.  DEBATE  BETWEEN  JOB  AND  His  THREE  FRIENDS  (2.  n  to  31.  40) 

1.  Introduction  (2.  n  to  3.  26). 

(1)  Coming  of  the  three  friends  (2.  11-13). 

(2)  Job's  passionate  cry  for  death  (3.  1-26). 

2.  First  cycle  of  speeches  (4.  i  to  14.  22). 

(1)  Speech  of   Eliphaz — No   man   just   in   the   sight   of   God 

(4.  i  to  5.  27). 

(a)   Security  of  the  righteous  (4.  i-n). 

(&)  God's  righteousness,  man's  unrighteousness,  (4.  12 

to  5-  7). 
(c)  Submission    and    penitence    to    be     followed    by 

restoration  (5.  8-27). 

(2)  Reply  of  Job — Renewal  of  complaint  and  prayer  for  death 

(6.  i  to  7.  21 ). 

(a)  Job's  intolerable  wretchedness  (6.  1-13). 
(&)  Disappointment  over  the  attitude  of   his   friends 
(6.  14-23). 

(c)  Appeal  for  fair  treatment  (6.  24-30). 

(d)  Wearisomeness  of  life  (7.  i-io). 

(?)  Challenge  of  God,  prayer  for  death  (7.  11-21). 

8  42.  7-17. 

127 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

(3)  Speech  of  Bildad — Appeal  to  tradition  (8.  1-22). 

The  experience  of  generations  proves  the  justice  of 
God;  the  righteous  prosper  while  the  wicked  are  de- 
stroyed. 

(4)  Reply  of  Job — The  divine  government  of  the  world  an 

unfathomable  mystery  (9.  i  to  10.  22). 

(a)  Job's  helplessness  in  the  presence  of  God's  infinite 

might  (9.  1-21). 
(t)  God's  responsibility   for  the  prevailing  situation : 

good  and  bad  suffer  alike  (9.  22-24). 
(c)  God's  unfair  treatment  of  Job  (9.  25-35). 
(<f)  God's  present  attitude  incomprehensible  (10.  1-17). 
(?)  Plea  for  brief  respite  before  death  (10.  18-22). 

(5)  Speech  of  Zophar — Impossibility  of  deceiving  an  all-wise 

God  (n.  1-20). 

(a)  Rebuke  of  Job's  challenge  of  the  divine  righteous- 
ness (n.  1-6). 

(6)  God's  wisdom,  man's  blindness  (u.  7-12). 
(c)  Exhortation  to  repentance  (n.  13-20). 

(6)  Reply  of  Job — Traditional  doctrines  not  in  accord  with  the 

facts  of  life  (12.  i  to  14.  22). 

(a)  Job's  insight  not  inferior  to  that  of  his   friends 

(12.  i  to  13.  2). 

(b)  Worthlessness   of    the    friends'    defense    of    God 

(13-  3-12). 

(c~)  New  challenge  of  God  (13.  13-28). 
(rf)  Frailty  and  brevity  of  human  life  (14.  1-12). 
O)  Hopelessness  of  Job's  condition   (14.  13-22). 
3.  Second  cycle  of  speeches  (15.  i  to  21.  34). 

(1)  Speech  of  Eliphaz— The  awful  fate  of  the  wicked    (15. 

i-35). 

(a)  Rebuke  of  Job's  presumptuousness  (15.  1-16). 

(b)  Evil    conscience    and    speedy    destruction    of    the 

wicked  (15.  17-35)- 

(2)  Reply   of   Job — Reassertion   of   his    innocence    (16.    i    to 

17.  16). 

(a)  Reproach    of    the    heartlessness    of    his    friends 

(16.  i-5). 

(6)  Job's  sorrowful  condition:   forsaken  by  God  and 
men   (16.  6-17). 

(c)  The  witness  in  heaven  (16.  18  to  17.  9). 

(d)  Death  the  only  hope  of  deliverance  (17.  10-16). 

128 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

(3)  Speech  of  Bildad— The  lot  of  the  sinner  in  life  and  death 

(18.  1-21). 

(a)  Condemnation  of  Job's  rejection  of  friendly  coun- 
sel (18.  1-4). 

(6)  Calamity  in  life  and  dishonor  after  death  the  lot 
of  the  wicked  (18.  5-21). 

(4)  Reply  of  Job — Cry  for  sympathy  and  light  (19.  1-29). 

(a)  Protest  against  the  reproaches  of  his  friends  (19. 

1-6). 
(6)  Job's  sufferings:  despised  by  God  and  man   (19. 

7-20). 

(c)  Appeal  to  the  friends  (19.  21-22,  28-29). 

(d)  Appeal  to  the  divine  vindicator  (19.  23-27). 

(5)  Speech  of  Zophar — Affliction  the  result  of  sin  (20.  1-29). 

Speedy  overthrow  of  the  wicked ;  if  he  prospers,  it  is 
only  for  a  little  while;  he  will  soon  be  overtaken  by 
misery  and  shame  (like  Job). 

(6)  Reply  of  Job — Arraignment  of  the  justice  of  God's  gov- 

ernment of  the  world  (21.  1-34). 
The  wicked  prosper  and  die  in  peace;  the  friends  in 

asserting  the  contrary  pervert  the  truth. 
4.  Third  cycle  of  speeches  (22.  i  to  31.  40). 

(1)  Speech  of   Eliphaz — Job's   condition   due  to  his   sin    (22. 

1-30). 

(a)  Job's  sins  the  cause  of  his  affliction  (22.  1-5). 

(b)  Enumeration  of  Job's  alleged  sins  (22.  6-20). 

(c)  Exhortation  to  repentance  (22.  21-30). 

(2)  Reply  of  Job — There  is  no  evidence  of  a  Divine  Provi- 

dence (23.  i  to  24.  25). 

(a)  Job's  yearning  for  access  to  God  (23.  1-7). 
(&)  Reassertion  of  his  innocence  (23.  8-17). 
(c)  God's  indifference  to  wickedness  (24.  1-25). 

(3)  Speech  of  Bildad — Man's  inferiority  to  God  (25.  1-6). 

(4)  Reply  of  Job — The  friends  have  obscured  the  issue   (26. 

1-14). 

He  acknowledges  the  divine  greatness  but  suggests  by 
implication  that  the  real  point  at  issue  is  the  divine 
justice. 

(5)  Final  words  of  Job  to  his  friends  (27.  i  to  28.  28). 

(a)  Reaffirmation  of  his  innocence  (27.  1-6). 
(6)  Mental  condition  and  material  ruin  of  the  wicked 
(27.  7-23). 

129 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

(c)  The  wisdom   of   God   unattainable   by   man    (28. 

1-27). 

(cO  The  fear  of  God  the  chief  duty  of  man  (28.  28). 
(6)  Job's  final  survey  of  his  case  (29.  i  to  31.  40). 

(a)  Job's  former  prosperity  (29.  1-25). 

(b)  Job's  present  humiliation  and  wretchedness    (30. 

i-3i). 

(c)  Integrity  of  Job's  entire  life  (31.  1-40). 

III.  SPEECHES  OF  ELIHU  (32.  i  to  37.  24) 
(Introductory — Cause  of  Elihu's  interference,  32.  1-5). 

1.  Introduction — Elihu's  vexation  with  Job  and  his  friends;  he  de- 

sires to  express  his  own  opinion  (32.  6-33). 

2.  Disciplinary  purpose  of  affliction   (33.  1-33). 

3.  Defense  of  the  justice  of  God  (34.  1-37). 

4.  Condemnation  of  Job's  presumptuousness  and  self-righteousness 

(35-  1-16). 

5.  God's  providential  dealings  with  men  (36.  i  to  37.  24). 

(1)  Affliction  an  evidence  of  the  divine  goodness:  it  is  sent 

for  purposes  of  warning  and  purification  (36.  1-15). 

(2)  Exhortation  to  patient  submission  (36.  16-23;  37.  14-24). 

(3)  God's  unsearchable  greatness  (36.  24  to  37.  13). 

IV.  SPEECHES  OF  YAHWEH  AND  JOB'S  SUBMISSION  (38.  i  to  42.  6) 

1.  First  speech  and  its  effect  (38.  i  to  40.  5). 

(1)  Job's  ignorance  of  inanimate  nature  upon  earth  and  in 

heaven  (38.  1-38). 

(2)  Job's  ignorance  of  animal  creation  (38.  39  to  40.  2). 

(3)  Job's    recognition   of   the   transcendent   majesty    of    God 

(40.  3-5). 

2.  Second  speech  and  its  effect  (40.  6  to  42.  6.) 

(1)  God's  challenge  to  Job:  he  is  to  assume  the  divine  attri- 

butes and  rule  the  world  (40.  6-14). 

(2)  Job's  inability  to  control  Behemoth  and  Leviathan  (40.  15 

to  41.  34). 

(3)  Job's  confession  and  penitence  (42.  1-6). 

V.  THE  EPILOGUE— THE  END  OF  JOB'S  TRIALS  (42.  7-17) 

1.  Condemnation  of  Job's  friends  (42.  7-9). 

2.  Restoration  of  Job's  prosperity  (42.  10-17). 

Literary  Form  of  the  Book.     The  literary  excellence 
of  the  book  of  Job  is  universally  acknowledged.     "In 

130 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

range  of  imagination,  and  sustained  splendor  of  diction, 
the  book  not  merely  stands  alone  in  the  Old  Testament, 
but  takes  a  foremost  place  also  among  the  masterpieces 
of  the  world's  literature.  Tennyson  but  expresses  the 
common  feeling  of  literary  critics  when  he  pronounces  it 
'the  greatest  poem  whether  of  ancient  or  of  modern 
times.'  "9  But  there  are  differences  of  opinion  as  to 
its  proper  classification;  whether  it  should  be  called  an 
epic,  or  a  dramatic,  or  a  didactic  poem;  which  simply 
shows  that  the  book  cannot  easily  be  assigned  to  any  one 
of  the  commonly  recognized  types  of  poetry.  Peake  is 
right  when  he  says :  "We  cannot  force  this  splendid  piece 
of  Hebrew  wisdom  into  a  Greek  scheme,  and  it  is  really 
futile  to  discuss  whether  it  is  a  drama  or  an  epic.  It  is 
itself."10 

It  is  an  epic  in  the  sense  of  a  heroic  poem,  for  it  cele- 
brates, in  stately  verse,  the  spiritual  and  intellectual 
accomplishments  of  its  hero.  In  structure  it  resembles 
a  drama;  hence  it  may  well  be  called  a  dramatic  poem. 
As  in  a  drama,  the  action  it  portrays,  though  it  is  far 
less  certain  and  swift  than  in  Greek  tragedy,  passes 
through  the  successive  stages  of  entanglement,  develop- 
ment, and  solution.11  Its  designation  as  a  dramatic  poem 
is  appropriate,  even  though  it  may  never  have  been  in- 
tended for  the  stage,12  and  though  it  may  be  admitted 

9  A.  R.  Gordon,  The  Poets  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  202. 

10  A.  S.  Peake,  Job,  in  New  Century  Bible,  p.  41. 

11  "The  action  is  for  the  most  part  internal  and  mental,  the  successive 
scenes  exhibiting  'the  varying  moods  of  a  great  soul  struggling  with  the 
mysteries  of  fate  rather  than  trying  external  situations'  "    (Driver, 
Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  411).     It  may 
therefore  be  called  a  psychological  or  spiritual  drama. 

12  Though  it  can  be  acted;  it  was  performed  at  Smith  College  a  num- 
ber of  years  ago.     See  H.  T.  Fowler,  A  History  of  the  Literature  of 
Ancient  Israel,  p.  333. 

131 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

that  the  characters  "lack  the  strong,  clear-cut  profile  of 
great  dramatic  heroes.  One  may  distinguish  the  grave, 
courtly  Eliphaz,  with  his  awesome  revelations  of  the 
Divine,  from  the  more  timid  and  shrinking  Bildad,  who 
can  but  rely  upon  the  traditions  of  the  fathers,  and  the 
rough,  coarse-grained  Zophar,  seeking  rather  to  browbeat 
than  to  argue  with  his  friend.  Yet  all  three  are  rather 
mere  lay  figures,  to  whom  has  been  committed  the  defense 
of  rusty  maxims,  and  who  repeat  the  same  old  saws,  to 
the  increasing  embitterment  of  Job's  racked  and  tortured 
soul,  than  the  imposing  personalities  whose  wills  clash  in 
deadly  conflict  on  the  Greek  or  Shakespearian  stage/'13 
It  is  also  a  didactic  poem,  for  it  is  intended  to  teach  the 
contemporaries  of  the  author  "a  much-needed  lesson  on 
the  mysterious  discipline  of  life."  There  seems  good 
reason,  therefore,  for  following  Dillmann  in  calling  it 
"an  epic-dramatic  didactic  poem."14 

The  Problem  of  the  Book.  That  the  central  theme  of 
the  book  of  Job  is  human  suffering,  more  especially  the 
suffering  of  the  righteous,  is  generally  conceded,  but 
there  has  been  and  still  is  wide  divergence  of  opinion 
regarding  the  specific  aspect  of  the  question  thought  to 
be  emphasized  and  the  solution  thought  to  be  offered  by 
the  author.  Some,  basing  their  conclusion  almost  entirely 
upon  the  prologue,  find  the  problem  underlying  the  dis- 
cussion in  the  question,  "Doth  Job  fear  God  for 
nought?"15  which  is  another  way  of  saying,  Is  there  such 
a  thing  as  disinterested  goodness  or  religion  ?  According 
to  this  view  the  book  was  written  for  the  purpose  of 
proving  that  there  is  a  disinterested  service  of  God.  Why, 

18  A.  R.  Gordon,  The  Poets  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  210. 
14  Hiob,  p.  xxiii. 
« I.  9. 

132 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

then,  did  the  righteous  Job  suffer?  Affliction  was  sent 
to  test  his  character;16  and  by  remaining  loyal  to  his  God 
he  proved  his  essential  and  disinterested  goodness.  No 
doubt  the  prologue  teaches  this  lesson,  but  to  make  it 
the  theme  and  purpose  of  the  entire  discussion  fails  to  do 
justice  to  the  book  as  a  whole,  and  is,  to  say  the  least,  a 
precarious  proceeding  in  view  of  the  uncertainty  that 
exists  regarding  the  relation  of  the  prologue  to  the  rest 
of  the  book.17 

Others,  seeing  in  the  speeches  of  Elihu  the  author's 
own  solution  of  the  problem  raised  by  the  suffering  of 
an  apparently  righteous  man,  understand  the  doctrine  of 
the  disciplinary  or  purifying  value  of  suffering  to  be  the 
principal  theme  of  the  book.  Budde,  for  instance,  points 
out  that  Job,  though  righteous  before  the  visit  of  his 
friends,  fell  into  sin  while  defending  himself  against  their 
accusations;  moreover,  he  claims,  spiritual  pride  was 
latent  in  Job's  nature  from  the  beginning.18  The  object 
of  the  suffering  was  to  bring  this  hidden  sin  to  his  con- 
sciousness, to  lead  him  to  confess  it,  and  thus  to  purify 
his  spiritual  nature.  Altogether  aside  from  the  critical 
questions  raised  by  the  speeches  of  Elihu,  in  view  of  the 
subordinate  position  of  the  doctrine  of  the  disciplinary 
value  of  suffering  in  the  book  as  a  whole,  this  interpre- 
tation also  cannot  be  accepted  as  offering  a  satisfactory 
definition  of  the  theme  and  purpose  of  the  book  as  a 
whole. 

Still  others  consider  the  aim  of  the  book  to  be  purely 
negative,  to  clear  the  ground  of  the  outworn  theory  that 
suffering  is  always  punishment  for  sin ;  or,  more  broadly, 

16  A.  B.  Davidson,  Commentary  on  the  Book  of  Job,  p.  xxvi. 

17  See  further  on  this  point,  below,  pp.  I39ff. 

18  Das  Buck  Hiob,  pp.  xxv,  xxxff.,  etc. 

133 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

to  disprove  the  theory  of  retribution  which  insisted  that 
every  man  receives  exactly  and  immediately  what  he 
deserves :  the  good,  prosperity,  the  bad,  adversity.19  This 
theory  was  advocated  by  the  friends  of  Job;  and  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  author  meant  to  condemn  their 
position,  for  he  introduces  Yahweh  himself  as  saying 
to  them :  "Ye  have  not  spoken  of  me  the  thing  that  is 
right";20  but,  like  the  views  already  discussed,  the  inter- 
pretation fails  to  do  justice  to  the  book  as  a  whole. 

The  same  criticism  may  be  urged  against  those  who, 
led  astray  by  some  of  the  rash  and  radical  utterances  of 
Job,  can  see  nothing  but  skepticism  and  pessimism  in  the 
book.  Only  a  partial  and  superficial  study  can  account 
for  the  inclusion  of  Job  among  the  skeptics  of  the  Old 
Testament,21  or  for  the  designation  of  the  book  as  "the 
Song  of  Songs  of  Skepticism/'22  or  for  its  characteriza- 
tion as  atheistic,  setting  forth  "the  absolute  unrighteous- 
ness of  God  as  the  solution  of  the  problem."23  Nor  does 
Ewald's  interpretation  of  the  book24  as  the  dramatic 
representation  of  a  heroic  soul's  struggle  toward  light 
and  peace  furnish  an  entirely  adequate  explanation. 

All  these  interpretations  contain  elements  of  truth,  but 
no  one  of  them  expresses  fully  or  adequately  the  central 
theme  and  purpose,  in  other  words,  the  problem  of  the 
book  of  Job.  A  comprehensive  study  of  the  book  as  a 
whole,  not  of  some  particular  portion,  makes  it  clear  that 


19  G.  B.  Gray,  A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  120, 
123;  Bennett  and  Adeney,  A  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  134;  H.  T.  Fowler, 
A  History  of  the  Literature  of  Ancient  Israel,  p.  335. 

2042.7. 

21 E.  J.  Dillon,  Sceptics  of  the  Old  Testament. 

22  Friedrich  Delitzsch,  Das  Buch  Hiob,  p.  15. 

23  E.  Mueller,  Der  echte  Hiob. 

24  Dichter  des  Alien  Bundes,  vol.  iii,  pp.  12,  13. 

134 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

the  entire  discussion  centers  around  the  one  question, 
How  can  the  suffering  of  a  righteous  man  be  harmonized 
with  the  belief  that  a  holy  and  just  God  orders  the  affairs 
of  this  world?  The  popular  view,  reflected  in  the  greater 
part  of  the  Old  Testament,  was  that  suffering  always 
comes  as  punishment  for  sin,  prosperity  as  reward  for 
piety.  This  belief  appeared  to  be  the  only  one  that  could 
be  brought  into  accord  with  the  righteousness  of  Yahweh : 
a  righteous  God  must  reward  the  righteous  and  punish  the 
wicked.  No  doubt  exceptions  to  the  rule  were  noted,  but 
as  long  as  the  individual  was  swallowed  up  in  the  com- 
munity, the  apparent  contradictions  of  the  dogma  did  not 
constitute  a  serious  problem.  When,  however,  the  indi- 
vidual came  to  receive  proper  recognition,  an  experience 
like  that  of  Job  was  bound  to  create  difficulties,  for  the 
suffering  of  a  God-fearing  man  seemed  to  imply  unfair- 
ness on  the  part  of  the  God  whom  he  served  and  who 
was  thought  to  govern  the  world.  That  this  perplexity 
was  keenly  felt  in  Israel  may  be  learned  from  allusions  in 
the  prophetic  books  and  other  parts  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment.25 At  last  the  time  came  when  a  wise  man,  whose 
own  experience  and  life  may  have  prompted  the  effort, 
sought  to  solve  the  problem  in  the  light  of  all  the  religious 
knowledge  he  possessed.  As  the  basis  of  the  discussion 
he  used  the  experiences  of  Job,  the  tradition  of  which  he 
may  have  found  common  property;  but  he  treated  this 
material  with  perfect  poetic  freedom,  arranging  it  in  the 
form  of  a  drama,  in  which  different  speakers  are  intro- 
duced, each  suggesting  his  own  solution  of  the  problem. 

Solutions  of  the  Problem.  The  solutions  suggested  in 
different  parts  of  the  book  are  as  follows :  I.  The  solution 
of  the  prologue — Suffering  is  a  test  of  character.  2. 

26  See  above,  pp.  898. 

135 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

The  solution  of  the  three  friends — Suffering  is  always 
punishment  for  sin,  though  at  times  it  may  serve  also 
disciplinary  ends.  3.  The  solution  of  Job — Job  struggles 
long  and  persistently  with  the  problem ;  once  or  twice  he 
seems  to  have  a  glimpse  of  a  possible  straightening  out 
of  the  present  inequalities  in  an  after  life,26  but  it  remains 
a  glimpse;  he  always  sinks  back  to  a  feeling  of  uncer- 
tainty and  perplexity.  His  general  attitude  is  that  there 
must  be  something  out  of  gear  in  the  world,  for  the  right- 
eousness of  God  cannot  be  seen  as  things  are  going  now. 
Even  after  listening  to  the  speeches  of  Yahweh  he  can 
see  no  explanation;  but  now  he  is  ready  to  place  his 
confidence  in  God.  4.  The  solution  of  Elihu — Elihu 
agrees  with  the  three  friends  that  there  is  close  connec- 
tion between  suffering  and  sin;  but  he  emphasizes  more 
than  they  the  disciplinary  purpose  of  suffering  which,  he 
points  out,  is  the  voice  of  God  calling  the  sinner  to  repent- 
ance. 5.  The  solution  of  Yahweh — To  the  human  mind 
the  whole  universe  is  an  unfathomable  mystery,  in  which 
the  evil  is  no  more  perplexing  than  the  good.  In  the  pres- 
ence of  all  these  mysteries  the  proper  attitude  is  one  of 
faith  and  humble  submission  to  God.  6.  The  solution  of 
the  epilogue — In  a  sense  the  epilogue  grants  the  conten- 
tion of  the  friends,  for  it  teaches  that  righteousness  will 
sooner  or  later  receive  its  reward  even  in  this  world. 

The  author  nowhere  states  which  of  these  solutions  he 
accepts  as  true;  one  thing  alone  is  absolutely  certain, 
namely,  that  he  means  to  reject  emphatically  the  tradi- 
tional view  of  the  friends,  that  suffering  must  always  be 
regarded  as  punishment  for  sin.  The  failure  of  the 
author  to  commit  himself  is  at  least  in  part  responsible 
for  the  wide  divergence  of  opinion  respecting  the  pur- 

26  Job  19.  23-27. 

136 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

pose,  and  teaching  of  the  book.  It  may  well  be  that  he 
was  conscious  of  his  inability  to  present  an  entirely  satis- 
factory solution,  and,  therefore,  offered  in  the  epilogue 
a  sort  of  compromise  with  the  orthodox  position  of  the 
times.  However,  it  is  not  unnatural  to  look  in  the 
speeches  of  Yahweh  for  a  more  or  less  definite  indication 
of  the  author's  preference;  and  in  this  expectation  the 
student  is  not  disappointed.  For,  while  these  speeches 
offer  no  solution  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word,  they  do 
show,  on  the  one  hand,  that  human  intellect  alone  cannot 
solve  the  riddle,  and  on  the  other,  that  the  only  solution 
possible  is  a  religious  solution,  a  solution  of  faith.  In 
the  words  of  George  A.  Barton:  "With  a  touch  too 
artistic  to  permit  him  to  descend  to  a  homiletic  attitude 
the  poet  has  shown  that  his  solution  of  life's  problem  is 
a  religious  one.  He  had  portrayed  with  great  power  the 
inability  of  man's  mind  to  comprehend  the  universe  or  to 
understand  why  man  must  suffer,  but  he  makes  Job,  his 
hero,  find  in  a  vision  of  God  the  secret  of  life.  Job's 
questions  remain  unanswered.  He  cannot  solve  life's 
riddle,  but  is  content  to  trust  God,  of  whose  goodness  he 
is  convinced,  and  who,  Job  is  sure,  knows  the  answer. 
The  poet  has  thus  taught  that  it  is  in  the  realm  of  reli- 
gion, and  not  in  that  of  the  intellect,  that  the  solution  of 
life's  mysteries  is  found."27 

It  was  not  easy  in  the  days  of  the  author  to  exercise 
such  sublime  faith,  for  he  had  to  solve  the  problem  with- 
out reference  to  a  future  life.  Though  there  may  be  in 
the  book  glimpses  of  a  life  after  death,  or  at  least  cries 
for  a  temporary  restoration  to  life,  the  tone  of  the  book 
from  beginning  to  end  shows  that  the  author  neither 
holds  a  doctrine  of  immortality  or  resurrection,  nor 

27  The  Book  of  Job,  p.  12. 

137 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

offers  it  as  a  solution  of  the  problem  of  suffering.  For  a 
firm  faith  in  a  life  with  God  after  death  there  is  no 
acute  problem,  for  it  can  find  its  compensations  elsewhere ; 
but  the  basis  for  this  higher  solution  was  established 
centuries  after  the  composition  of  Job  by  Jesus,  who 
brought  "life  and  immortality"  to  light.  His  fuller 
revelation  of  the  truth  made  it  possible  to  exercise  the 
more  vital  faith,  with  a  sufficiently  high  conception  of 
God  as  a  loving  Father,  and  a  vision  of  life  comprehen- 
sive enough  to  include  eternity,  in  which  the  apparent 
inequalities  of  this  present  life  may  be  equalized  by  a  holy 
and  just  God. 

Original  Extent  of  the  Book.  According  to  the  pre- 
ceding paragraphs  each  division  of  the  book  has  its  own 
more  or  less  clearly  defined  place  in  the  development  of 
the  argument;  nevertheless,  questions  have  been  raised 
concerning  the  originality  of  several  of  these  divisions. 
While  prologue  and  epilogue  are  accepted  as  parts  of  the 
book  in  its  original  form,  it  is  thought  by  many  that  they 
are  not  the  work  of  the  author  of  the  book  of  Job,  but 
were  taken  by  him  from  an  earlier  production;  most 
modern  scholars  consider  the  speeches  of  Elihu  a  later 
addition;  questions  have  also  been  raised  concerning  the 
speeches  of  Yahweh  in  whole  or  in  part.  To  these  more 
or  less  extensive  divisions  may  be  added  as  doubtful, 
besides  a  number  of  shorter  passages,  chapters  7,  12,  14, 
17,  24,  26,  27  and  28;  so  that,  according  to  many  scholars, 
the  book  consisted  originally  only  of  the  prologue,  the 
dialogues  between  Job  and  his  friends — not  in  their 
present  but  in  a  simpler  form — and  the  epilogue;  and  of 
these  the  prologue  and  the  epilogue  are  thought  to  have 
been  borrowed  bodily  from  an  earlier  writer.  This  would 
leave  to  the  author  of  the  book  nothing  but  the  dialogues, 

138 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

found,  with  some  interpolations,  in  chapters  3  to  26,  or 
3  to  31.  The  purpose  of  this  original  book  is  stated  by 
G.  B.  Gray  in  these  words :  "The  purpose  of  the  book — 
consisting  of  the  prologue,  the  speeches  of  the  friends 
and  of  Job,  and  the  epilogue — is  to  show  the  falseness  of 
the  prevalent  judgment  that  a  man  in  adversity  was 
necessarily  wicked  and  forsaken  of  God :  the  prologue 
and  epilogue  alike  show  the  falseness  of  the  judgment  in 
the  particular  case  of  Job,  and  Job  in  the  debate  shows 
that  it  is  widely  inapplicable."28  Are  these  views  regard- 
ing the  original  form  and  extent  of  the  book  of  Job 
justified? 

i.  The  Prologue  and  Epilogue.  As  has  been  stated, 
many  scholars  deny  the  prologue  and  the  epilogue  to  the 
author  of  the  dialogues  between  Job  and  his  friends. 
Especially  since  the  exhaustive  investigations  and  dis- 
cussions of  Budde  it  has  become  customary  to  consider 
these  two  sections  the  beginning  and  end,  if  not  the  main 
part,  of  an  older  prose  folk-tale — Volksbuch — of  Job's 
sufferings,  which  the  author  of  the  dialogues  adopted, 
and  perhaps  adapted,  as  the  framework  of  his  own  con- 
tribution.29 In  support  of  the  view  that  prologue  and 
epilogue  are  not  from  the  same  hand  as  the  dialogues, 
attention  is  called  to  facts  like  these:  (i)  the  prologue 
and  epilogue  are  in  prose,  the  rest  of  the  book  is  in  poetry ; 
(2)  in  the  prologue  and  epilogue  the  divine  name  is 
Yahweh,  in  the  rest  of  the  book  it  is  El,  or  Eloah,  or 
Shaddai.30  (3)  The  Job  of  the  prologue  and  epilogue 


28  A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  123. 

29  Beitraege  zur  Kritik  des  Buches  Hiob;  and  Das  Buck  Hiob,  in  Hand- 
Kommentar  zum  Alien  Testament. 

30  Except  12.9,  which  many  commentators  consider  an  interpolation, 
and  38.  i,  which  is  simply  the  introduction  to  the  speeches  of  Yahweh. 

139 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

does  not  seem  to  be  the  same  as  the  central  figure  of  the 
rest  of  the  book :  The  Job  of  the  prologue  is  patient,  sub- 
missive, and  resigned,  and  this  is  also  the  Job  of  the 
epilogue,  for  Yahweh  commends  him  without  qualifica- 
tion;31 but  the  Job  of  the  dialogues  is  impatient,  bitter, 
and  even  defiant,  and  this  is  the  Job  whom  Yahweh 
addresses  in  his  speeches  when  he  rebukes  him  for 
darkening  counsel  by  words  without  knowledge,  for  find- 
ing fault  and  arguing  with  God.32  (4)  The  whole  center 
of  interest  seems  to  change  as  one  passes  from  the  pro- 
logue and  epilogue  to  the  dialogues  :33  In  the  prologue 
Job  is  on  trial,  and  the  epilogue  testifies  that  he  has  stood 
the  test  to  the  divine  satisfaction ;  in  the  rest  of  the  book 
it  is  not  the  fidelity  of  Job  but  the  justice  of  the  divine 
administration  of  the  world  that  is  in  question.  In  the 
words  of  Godet :  "The  Being  who  is  brought  to  the  bar 
of  judgment  is  in  reality  not  Job,  it  is  Yahweh.  The 
point  in  debate  is  not  only  the  virtue  of  Job;  it  is  at  the 
same  time,  and  in  a  still  higher  degree,  the  justice  of 
God/'34  These  facts  may  not  establish  diversity  of 
authorship  beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt;35  neverthe- 
less, they  receive  a  more  satisfactory  explanation  if  it  is 
assumed  that  prologue  and  epilogue  do  not  come  from 
the  author  of  the  dialogues.36 


42.7. 


31 

32  38.  2;   40.  2. 

33  A.  R.  Gordon,  The  Poets  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  204. 


34  Old  Testament  Studies,  p.  186. 

35  J.  E.  McFadyen,  Old  Testament  Introduction,  pp.  275,  276;  and  K. 
Kautzsch,  Das  sogenannte  Volksbuch  von  Hiob,  passim. 

38  See  also  Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  XIV,  pp.  63-71,  and  Amer- 
ican Journal  of  Semitic  Languages,  XIV,  pp.  137-164.  In  order  to 
save  at  least  a  part  of  the  present  prologue  for  the  author  of  the  dia- 
logue it  has  been  proposed  to  omit  i.  6-12  and  2.  i~7a  as  a  later  inter- 
polation— see,  for  example,  E.  Koenig,  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament, 

140 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

On  one  point,  however,  Budde  and  his  followers  have 
gone  astray,  namely,  in  making  the  Volksbuch  a  pre- 
exilic  production.  Karl  Kautzsch  has  shown  conclusively 
that  the  prologue  in  its  present  form  cannot  have  origin- 
ated in  preexilic  times.37  It  may,  indeed,  be  that  there 
was  current  in  Israel  before  the  exile  a  tradition  of  a 
righteous  man  Job  who,  in  spite  of  extraordinary  afflic- 
tion, remained  faithful  to  his  God,38  but  this  popular 
story  probably  lacked  the  didactic  element  so  prominent 
in  the  present  prologue.  A  postexilic  writer  used  this 
tradition  or  folk-tale  in  producing  what  has  been  called 
"the  first  draft'*  of  Job— the  Volksbuch  of  Budde.  The 
date  and  purpose  of  this  Volksbuch  can  be  determined 
only  on  the  basis  of  internal  evidence.  The  idea  of  the 
Satan,  or  adversary,  for  instance,  appears  to  be  some- 
what in  advance  of  that  found  in  Zech.  3.  iff.,39  and  the 
problem  raised  by  the  prosperity  of  the  wicked  and  the 
affliction  of  the  righteous  seems  to  have  been  especially 
troublesome  in  the  days  of  Malachi.40  It  may  well  be, 
therefore,  that  the  prose  story  of  Job,  of  which  the  pro- 
logue and  epilogue  of  the  present  book  of  Job  were  a 
part,  was  written  in  the  age  of  Malachi  "to  cheer  the 
downcast  hearts  of  the  people  of  God  in  those  troublous 
times  that  followed  the  restoration,  when  the  righteous 
suffered  and  the  wicked  saw  long  and  prosperous  years 


p.  415,  and  compare  E.  Sellin,  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  p. 
118 — but  if  these  sections  are  omitted,  the  rest  of  the  prologue  loses  all 
significance. 

37  K.  Kautzsch,  Das  sogenannte  Volksbuch  von  Hiob,  pp.  22ff.    Com- 
pare also  J.  E.  McFadyen,  Old   Testament  Introduction,  p.   276;    N. 
Schmidt,  Messages  of  the  Poets,  pp.  97ff. 

38  Compare  Ezek.  14.  14,  20. 

39  B.  C.  520. 

40  About  B.  C.  450;  compare  Mai  2.  17  to  4.  3,  and  see  above,  p.  91. 

141 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

and  devout  souls  were  often  sadly  tempted  to  renounce 
their  faith,  for  it  seemed  so  profitless  to  serve  God  in 
sincerity.  By  the  picture  of  Job,  the  upright,  suffering 
the  loss  of  all  things,  and  even  the  extreme  of  personal 
agony,  yet  holding  fast  his  faith  in  God,  and  even  blessing 
the  hand  that  smote,  the  writer  encourages  the  suffering 
saints  of  his  own  day  to  bear  their  afflictions  bravely;  for 
these  are  not,  as  they  imagine  in  their  heaviness  of  heart, 
the  outpouring  of  the  divine  wrath  because  of  their  sins, 
but  the  test  by  which  God  is  even  now  revealing  before 
angels  and  men  the  sterling  purity  of  their  faith  and 
piety.  Thus,  if  they  hold  fast  their  integrity,  as  Job  did, 
they  too  will  be  witnesses  for  God  in  their  generation; 
and  soon  he  will  arise  in  his  glory  to  champion  their  cause, 
and  will  bless  their  latter  end  more  than  their  begin- 
ning."41 

The  tone  of  the  epilogue,  which  may  have  formed  the 
close  of  the  prose  story,  suggests  that  it  was  preceded 
by  speeches  of  the  friends  in  very  much  the  same  strain 
as  the  utterance  of  Job's  wife,42  and  by  replies  of  Job, 
not  full  of  impatience  and  rebellion  like  his  speeches  in 
the  present  book,  but  full  of  faith  and  humble  submission ; 
hence  the  commendation  of  Job  and  the  condemnation  of 
the  friends.43  The  author  of  the  present  book,  taught 
perhaps  by  bitter  experience,  felt  that  the  treatment  of 
the  problem  in  the  prose  story  was  inadequate;  his  own 
faith  may  have  been  severely  tried,  he  may  have  been 
driven  almost  to  despair  by  mysterious  suffering,  he  may 
have  had  to  endure  the  heartless  consolation  of  friends 
who  showed  no  real  sympathy,  and  in  spite  of  it  all  he 

41  A.  R.  Gordon,  The  Poets  of  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  207,  208. 

•2.9. 

43  42- 7,  8. 

142 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

may  have  gloriously  triumphed  in  the  end.  Such  may 
have  been  the  experience  of  the  man  who,  while  retaining 
the  opening  and  closing  sections  of  the  Volksbuch  as  a 
suitable  framework,  introduced  between  the  two  his  own 
more  profound  discussion  of  the  problem,  picturing  in 
the  speeches  of  Job  the  bitter  agony  and  despair  which 
he  himself  experienced  until  he  found  rest  in  patient 
submission  to  God. 

2.  The  Speeches  of  Elihu.  Driver  calls  the  view  that 
the  Elihu  speeches  were  not  a  part  of  the  original  book  of 
Job  "the  general  opinion  of  commentators  and  critics/'44 
Important  exceptions  are  Budde,  Wildeboer,  Cornill,  and 
a  few  other  scholars,  who  not  only  defend  the  authenticity 
of  these  speeches,  but  find  in  them  the  real  solution  of 
the  problem  of  the  book.45  Against  the  originality  of 
these  chapters  the  following  considerations  are  urged : 
(i)  Elihu  is  not  mentioned  in  the  prologue  nor,  what 
is  more  significant,  in  the  epilogue.  The  silence  of  the 
prologue  might  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  Elihu  does 
not  join  in  the  principal  debate,  which  is  between  Job 
and  his  friends,  and  that  32.  1-5  furnishes  a  suitable  and 
adequate  introduction.  The  silence  of  the  epilogue,  how- 
ever, is  not  so  easily  explained,  for  Yahweh  passes  judg- 
ment on  Job  and  his  friends;  and  if  Elihu  had  been  one 
of  the  participants  in  the  debate,  would  Yahweh  have 
passed  him  over  in  silence?  (2)  Not  only  are  the 
speeches  of  Elihu  loosely  connected  with  the  poem  as  a 

44  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  428. 

46  See  above,  p.  133;  hence  Cornill  calls  the  speeches  of  Elihu  "the 
crown  of  the  book  of  Job,"  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  p.  237; 
the  most  exhaustive  discussion  is  that  of  Budde,  found  in  Beitraege  zur 
Erklaerung  des  Buches  Hiob,  his  commentary  on  Hiob,  in  Nowack's 
Hand-Kommentar  series  and  in  tdsjGeschichte  der  althebraeischen  Lit- 
teratur. 

143 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

whole,  so  that  they  might  easily  be  omitted  without  affect- 
ing the  argument,  but,  what  is  much  more  significant, 
they  actually  are  a  disturbing  element  in  the  discussion. 
They  interrupt  the  connection  between  the  dramatic 
appeal  to  Yahweh  at  the  close  of  Job's  defense46  and 
Yahweh's  appearance,47  while  the  opening  words  of 
Yahweh48  imply  that  he  speaks  in  immediate  reply  to 
Job's  challenge;  moreover,  Elihu  anticipates,  at  least  in 
part,  the  argument  of  Yahweh.49  (3)  The  speeches  of 
Elihu  do  not  contribute  anything  essentially  new  to  the 
argument.  Following  in  the  footsteps  of  the  friends, 
he  connects  Job's  sufferings  with  his  sins.50  True,  he 
places  greater  emphasis  than  they  upon  suffering  as  an 
expression  of  the  divine  goodness,  sent  for  disciplinary 
purposes;51  but  Eliphaz  had  already  advanced  the  same 
argument52  and  Job  had  rejected  it.53  In  language  and 
style  chapters  32  to  37  differ  materially  from  the  rest  of 
the  book.  The  style,  says  Driver,  "is  prolix,  labored, 
and  sometimes  tautologous;  the  power  and  brilliancy 
which  are  so  conspicuous  in  the  poem  generally  are  sensi- 
bly missing.  The  reader,  as  he  passes  from  Job  and  his 
three  friends  to  Elihu,  is  conscious  at  once  that  he  has 
before  him  the  work  of  a  writer,  not  indeed  devoid  of 
literary  skill,  but  certainly  inferior  in  literary  and  poeti- 
cal genius  to  the  author  of  the  rest  of  the  book.  The 
language  is  often  involved  and  the  thought  strained ;  these 


48  31- 35-37- 

47  38.  i. 

48  38.  2. 

49  Compare  Chapters  36,  37. 
60  34- 37- 

61 33-  14-30;  36.  8-25. 
«5.  8ff.ti7ff. 
»  6.  24ff. 

144 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

speeches  are  marked  also  by  many  peculiarities  of  expres- 
sion, and  by  a  deeper  coloring  of  Aramaic  than  the  poem 
generally."54  Budde  admits  the  presence  of  these  differ- 
ences, and  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  the  more  he  fixes 
his  attention  on  the  whole  rather  than  on  details,  the 
stronger  the  impression  becomes  that  there  is  a  marked 
difference  between  the  style  of  Elihu  and  that  of  the  rest 
of  the  book;  and  that  these  differences  would  be  suffi- 
ciently striking  to  establish  diversity  of  authorship  if  they 
could  not  be  explained  as  due  to  interpolation  and  corrup- 
tion of  the  text.  With  the  troublesome  passages55  re- 
moved, he  thinks  the  reasons  for  denying  the  speeches  to 
the  author  of  the  rest  of  the  book  disappear. 

In  the  nature  of  the  case,  absolute  certainty  cannot  be 
had,  but  the  evidence  against  the  authenticity  of  the  Elihu 
speeches  appears  stronger  than  any  consideration  that 
may  be  urged  in  their  favor.  On  the  whole,  it  seems 
reasonable  to  conclude  that  they  were  added  to  the  origi- 
nal book  of  Job  by  a  serious  thinker  who  felt  that  the 
preceding  dialogues  were  defective  in  some  points,  which 
shortcoming  he  desired  to  correct :  ( i )  In  rebuke  of  Job's 
attitude,  which  he  thought  was  lacking  in  reverence,  he 
laid  greater  stress  on  the  greatness,  power,  and  love  of 
God,  which  should  inspire  reverence  in  man.  (2)  In 
rebuke  of  the  ineffective  arguments  of  the  friends  he 
seeks  to  show  that  any  arguments  that  will  silence  Job 
must  be  drawn  from  the  character  and  attributes  of  God. 
(3)  Feeling  that  insufficient  weight  has  been  given  to 


64  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  429. 

55  32.  2-5,  11,  12,  15-17;  33.  4,  isb,  33;  34.  9,  ica,  25-28,  290;  35.  4; 
36.  13,  14,  17,  25,  26,  29,  30;  37.  13,  15,  16.  It  is  always  precarious  to 
omit  passages  simply  because  they  refuse  to  support  a  theory.  In  this 
case  there  are  no  other  reasons  for  these  wholesale  omissions. 

145 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

the  disciplinary  value  of  suffering,  he  seeks  to  supply  this 
lack. 

3.  The  Speeches  of  Yahweh.  Even  some  scholars  who 
believe  that  Yahweh  appeared  as  one  of  the  speakers  in 
the  book  from  the  beginning  doubt  the  originality  of  the 
speeches  placed  in  the  mouth  of  Yahweh  in  their  present 
form.  Questions  are  raised,  for  instance,  regarding  the 
descriptions  of  Behemoth  and  Leviathan.56  It  is  pointed 
out  that  "the  heavy  sensuous  art  of  the  descriptions  ... 
stands  in  broad  contrast  to  the  swift,  imaginative  beauty 
of  the  preceding  pictures  of  natural  life  and  order.  Their 
effect  is,  further,  to  divert  attention  from  the  main  issue 
of  the  poem/'  Emphasis  is  also  placed  on  the  difference 
in  the  use  of  the  word  "leviathan"  in  41.  i  as  compared 
with  3.  8,57  on  the  fact  that  all  the  other  animal  pictures 
are  drawn  from  the  desert,  and  on  the  unnecessary  post- 
ponement of  the  crisis  between  Yahweh  and  Job,  for 
which  the  sympathetic  reader  is  impatiently  waiting.  In 
reply  to  the  objections  it  has  been  urged  that  the  de- 
scriptions are  needed  to  complete  Yahweh's  argument: 
whereas  the  preceding  chapters  were  to  convince  Job  of 
his  ignorance,  these  are  to  convince  him  of  his  impotence. 
The  arguments  against  the  originality  of  the  descriptions 
of  Behemoth  and  Leviathan  cannot  be  considered  con- 
clusive; and  yet  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  plea  of 
Yahweh  would  gain  in  dignity  and  power  if  they  were 
omitted  and  certain  other  changes  were  made  that  would 
inevitably  follow  the  omission. 

If  the  section  indicated  were  eliminated,  the  second 
speech  of  Yahweh  would  lose  its  significance  as  an  inde- 
pendent speech;  which  may  suggest  that  originally  there 

66  40.  15  to  41.  34. 

67  In  the  latter  passage  the  mythological  element  is  very  pronounced. 

146 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

was  only  one  utterance  of  Yahweh.  Moreover,  the  words 
introducing  the  second  speech58  seem  to  be  only  a 
variant  of  38.  1-3,  and  Job's  reply  in  40.  3-5  does  not 
read  smoothly  after  40.  i,  2.  These  peculiarities  have 
led  many  modern  scholars  to  regard  chapters  38  and  39 
plus  40.  2,  8-14  as  one  speech  of  Yahweh,  and  40.  3-5 
plus  42.  2-6,  exclusive  of  some  clauses  which  seem  to 
have  been  introduced  from  the  speech  of  Yahweh,  as  one 
reply  of  the  awestruck  Job. 

Others  favor  more  radical  measures :  Disappointed 
because  the  words  of  Yahweh  offer  no  direct  solution  of 
the  problem,  they  deny  to  these  chapters  a  place  in  the 
original  book  of  Job.  They  consider  them  a  later  addi- 
tion written  for  the  purpose  of  exalting  the  greatness  and 
glory  of  Yahweh,  without  any  attempt  to  solve  the  prob- 
lem beyond  suggesting  that  it  is  a  mystery  which  should 
be  treated  with  reverence  by  man.59  The  objections 
urged  against  the  speeches  of  Yahweh,  or  against  one 
great,  impressive  speech  are  by  no  means  conclusive :  ( I ) 
The  difference  in  the  attitude  of  Yahweh  toward  Job,  as 
compared  with  the  attitude  reflected  in  the  prologue  and 
epilogue — in  the  prologue  and  epilogue  he  defends  and 
commends  him,  in  the  speech  he  accuses  him  of  folly60 — 
is  easily  explained,  because  (a)  the  prologue  and  epilogue 
were  taken  from  an  earlier  work,  and  (6)  the  rebuke  of 
Job  was  due  to  Job's  impatience  manifested  in  the  dia- 
logues with  his  friends.  (2)  The  objection  that  this 
view  implies  that  "what  the  Satan  had  been  unable  to 
achieve  by  depriving  Job  of  riches,  children,  and  health, 
58  40.  6,  7. 

69  T.  K.  Cheyne,  Job  and  Solomon,  p.  69;  N.  Schmidt,  Messages  of 
the  Poets,  pp.  90,  91 ;  Buchanan  Blake,  The  Book  of  Job  and  the  Problem 
of  Suffering,  pp.  iSsff. 

80  38.  2. 

147 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

the  friends  by  their  persistent  presentation  of  a  banal 
orthodoxy  that  had  no  relation  to  the  facts  in  Job's  life 
did  achieve"  carries  no  weight  against  Yahweh's  words; 
it  could  be  used  only  against  Job's  own  words  uttered  in 
the  course  of  the  debate.  (3)  The  fact  that  Job  recog- 
nized the  divine  power  and  wisdom  before  Yahweh's 
appearance61  does  not  make  the  speeches  of  the  latter 
superfluous.  The  vision  and  words  of  Yahweh  gave  him 
an  appreciation  of  the  divine  transcendence  such  as  he 
had  not  had  before ;  for  this  is  the  meaning  of  Job's  con- 
fession : 

I  had  heard  of  thee  by  the  hearing  of  the  ear; 
But  now  mine  eye  seeth  thee.82 

(4)  The  nearness  of  Job's  self-condemnation  in  42.  3 
to  Yahweh's  commendation  in  42.  7  constitutes  no  real 
difficulty.  The  self-condemnation  proved  to  Yahweh 
that  his  purpose,  to  bring  Job  to  his  senses,  had  been 
successfully  accomplished,  and  that  the  time  for  showing 
approval  had  arrived.  And  if  this  explanation  seems 
unsatisfactory,  all  difficulty  disappears  on  the  twofold 
assumption  for  which  there  is  abundant  support,  (a)  that 
the  original  book  of  Job  contained  only  one  speech  of 
Yahweh  and  one  reply  of  Job;  if  so,  42.  3  may  have  been 
brought  in  at  a  later  time  from  38.  2;  and  (b)  that  the 
author  of  the  rest  of  the  book  took  the  prologue  and 
epilogue  from  an  earlier  prose  work.  While,  thus,  the 
arguments  against  the  originality  of  the  Yahweh  speeches 
are  inconclusive,  their  omission  would  take  the  very  heart 
out  of  the  discussion.  It  is  quite  safe,  therefore,  to  con- 
clude that  the  original  book  of  Job  contained  at  least  one 
speech  of  Yahweh. 

81 9.  4-10;  12.  12-25. 
62  42.  5* 

148 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

4.  The  Soliloquy  on  Wisdom.  If  chapters  38^.  repro- 
duce correctly  at  least  the  substance  of  Yahweh's  utter- 
ance, and  if  this  address  was  in  the  book  from  the  begin- 
ning, it  becomes  exceedingly  difficult  to  accept  the 
soliloquy  on  wisdom  in  chapter  28  as  a  part  of  the  origi- 
nal discussion.  According  to  chapter  28  Job  expresses 
the  conviction  that  wisdom,  by  which  the  author  means 
"the  intellectual  apprehension  of  the  principles  by  which 
the  course  of  the  physical  world  and  the  events  of  human 
life  are  regulated,"  belongs  in  its  fullness  only  to  God; 
as  a  substitute  God  has  imposed  upon  man  the  duty  of 
living  a  holy  and  righteous  life.  But  if  Job  had  attained 
to  this  submissive  frame  of  mind  at  the  close  of  the 
debate  with  his  friends,  why  was  it  necessary  for  Yahweh 
to  appear  in  order  to  bring  him  into  this  attitude  ?  More- 
over, if  Job  had  come  to  this  conviction  at  that  point  in 
the  discussion,  how  is  it  that  it  exerted  no  influence  what- 
ever on  his  subsequent  utterances  ?  In  the  final  summing 
up  of  his  case,63  sometimes  called  Job's  Apologia  pro  Vita 
Sua,  which  immediately  follows  the  soliloquy,  he  reveals 
the  same  bitterness,  impatience,  and  rebellion  which 
marked  his  earlier  speeches.  It  has,  indeed,  been  sug- 
gested that  the  author  regarded  Job's  tranquil  state  of 
mind  as  temporary  only;  but  this  assumption  would  make 
the  transition  too  abrupt,  and  the  context  gives  no  hint 
as  to  any  cause  for  either  the  coming  or  the  passing  of 
such  temporary  tranquillity.  Budde's  explanation,  that 
the  chapter  reflects  a  spirit,  not  of  resignation,  but  of 
dissatisfaction  and  despair,64  removes  this  difficulty,  but 
it  is  without  support  in  the  text:  chapter  28  reveals  no 
trace  of  resentment  and  bitterness;  on  the  contrary,  it 

63  Chapters  29  to  31. 

64  Das  Buck  Hiob,  pp.  xxvii,  156. 

149 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

makes  the  impression  that  the  speaker  finds  entire  satis- 
faction in  the  truth  expressed.  The  soliloquy  might 
possibly  be  saved  for  the  author  of  the  rest  of  the  book 
by  removing  it  from  its  present  position  and  assigning  it 
a  more  suitable  place,  perhaps  after  42.  6;  but  on  the 
whole  it  may  be  better  to  regard  it  as  an  independent 
fragment  of  choice  wisdom  poetry,  similar  to  Prov.  8, 
which  found  a  place  in  the  book  of  Job  at  a  later  time. 
Both  in  literary  and  religious  power  the  chapter  ranks 
with  the  best  parts  of  the  book. 

5.  Original  Form  of  the  Third  Cycle?5  In  the  first 
two  cycles  the  discussion  proceeds  smoothly  and  consist- 
ently, but  the  third  cycle  presents  peculiarities  as  well  as 
difficulties:  (i)  Zophar  is  absent;  (2)  the  speech  of 
Bildad  is  unusually  brief;  (3)  though  chapters  26  to  31 
are  all  placed  in  the  mouth  of  Job,  there  are  three  distinct 
introductions.66  (4)  Chapter  26.  5-14  seems  unsuitable 
in  the  mouth  of  Job  at  this  stage  of  the  argument;  on 
the  other  hand,  it  closely  resembles  chapter  25  and  fur- 
nishes an  appropriate  continuation  of  Bildad's  speech. 
(5)  In  27.  7-23  Job  appears  to  go  back  on  the  position 
defended  by  him  previously  and  resumed  in  chapters  29 
to  31,  and  to  adopt  the  position  of  the  friends.  It  is  not 
easy  to  remove  these  difficulties  without  rearranging  a 
part  of  the  utterances  in  the  cycle.  The  discussion  pro- 
gresses more  smoothly  if  rearranged  as  follows :  Eliphaz, 
chapter  22;  Job,  chapters  23,  24;  Bildad,  25.  1-3;  26. 
5-14;  Job,  26.  1-4;  27.  2-6,  n,  12;  Zophar,  27.  7-10, 
13-23;  Job,  chapters  29  to  31. 

There  are  various  questions  centering  around  passages 
in  addition  to  those  discussed  in  the  preceding  para- 

65  Chapters  22  to  31. 
66 26.  i;  27.  i;  29.  I. 

ISO 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

graphs,  which  have  bearing  on  the  original  form  and 
extent  of  the  book  of  Job,  but  these  can  be  discussed 
adequately  only  in  connection  with  a  detailed  exegetical 
study.  However,  the  facts  and  considerations  already 
presented  warrant  the  conclusion  that  the  book  of  Job 
in  its  original  form  consisted  of  the  prologue,  taken 
probably  from  a  somewhat  earlier  prose  work,  the  dia- 
logues between  Job  and  his  friends,  one  impressive  utter- 
ance of  Yahweh  followed  by  a  confession  of  Job,  and 
the  epilogue,  coming  from  the  same  source  as  the  pro- 
logue. Of  extensive  sections,  therefore,  chapter  28  and 
the  speeches  of  Elihu  would  have  to  be  considered  addi- 
tions by  a  later  'hand  or  by  later  hands.67 

Date  and  Authorship  of  the  Book.  Jewish  tradition 
preserved  in  the  Talmud68  makes  Moses  the  author  of  the 
book  of  Job,  and  this  view  has  had  defenders  among 
scholars  until  recent  times.  In  support  of  this  view  atten- 
tion has  been  called  to  the  undoubtedly  primitive  aspect  of 
the  book:  it  has  been  claimed,  for  instance,  that  there 
are  no  references  to  Mosaic  laws  and  observances,  that 
there  is  complete  silence  regarding  some  of  the  most 
important  events  in  Hebrew  history,  such  as  the  exodus, 
the  desert  wanderings,  the  conquest,  as  well  as  events 
during  later  periods;  that  the  commonly  used  divine 


67  E.  Sellin,  who  admits  that  the  book  in  its  present  form  cannot 
have  been  written  by  one  author  at  one  and  the  same  time,  still  insists 
that,  with  the  exception  of  the  prologue  and  epilogue,  the  book  is  the 
work  of  one  single  author,  who  wrestled  with  the  problem  during  his 
entire  life  and  produced  different  sections  at  different  times  to  express 
different  stages  in  his  contemplation  of  the  problem  of  suffering.    Ein- 
leitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  p.  121. 

68  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  p.  86.     Some  writers, 
both  ancient  and  modern,  have  assigned  the  book  even  to  pre-Mosaic 
days. 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

names  are  the  primitive  El  and  Eloah,  Yahweh  being  used 
very  rarely  in  the  body  of  the  book,  that  the  civilization 
reflected  is  that  of  patriarchal  times,  etc.  But  can  facts 
like  these,  even  if  true,  determine  the  date  of  the  produc- 
tion ?  Does  not  the  assignment  of  the  book  to  an  early 
date  on  the  basis  of  such  evidence  involve  a  confusion 
between  the  period  in  which  the  hero  is  thought  to  have 
lived  and  that  in  which  the  record  of  his  experiences 
assumed  its  present  literary  form?  Are  these  primitive 
features  beyond  the  power  of  a  skillful  writer  of  a  later 
date  to  conceive  and  represent  ?  On  the  other  hand,  closer 
examination  has  brought  to  light  unmistakable  indications 
of  a  later,  post-Mosaic  date.  Among  the  more  important 
of  these  the  following  may  be  mentioned :  ( i )  References 
to  laws  and  legal  practices  that  had  their  origin  subse- 
quently to  the  age  of  Moses.69  (2)  The  book  presupposes 
an  advanced  state  of  society,  and  a  considerable  range 
and  faculty  of  observation  on  the  part  of  its  author.  (3) 
The  book  presupposes  much  reflection  on  the  problems  of 
life  and  society.  (4)  The  great  literary  power  of  the 
poem,  its  finished  form,  and  the  ability  which  its  author 
displays  not  merely  of  expounding  a  subject  briefly,  but 
of  developing  it  under  different  aspects  in  a  regularly 
progressing  argument,  implies  that  a  mature  stage  of 
literary  culture  had  been  reached.  (5)  The  theology 
and  ethics  of  the  book  point  to  a  date  subsequent  to  the 
great  eighth-century  prophets.  (6)  The  language  reveals 
characteristics  of  a  late  date.70  As  a  result  of  these  con- 
siderations the  Mosaic  date  and  authorship  have  now  been 
given  up  by  practically  all  scholars;  but  no  consensus  of 

69  See  further,  below,  p.  155. 

70  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament, 
p.  432. 

152 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

opinion  regarding  the  exact  date  of  the  book  has  been 
reached. 

Luther  was  the  first  to  suggest  that  the  book  may  have 
been  written  by  one  of  the  wise  men  who  flourished  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  King  Solomon,  a  view  strongly  advocated 
during  the  nineteenth  century  by  Haevernick,  Delitzsch, 
Zoeckler,  and  other  adherents  of  the  more  conservative 
school.71  The  principal  support  for  this  theory  was 
found  in  the  similarities  between  Job  and  some  psalms 
credited  to  David,72  and  between  Job  and  Proverbs  I  to 
9,  believed  by  these  scholars  to  be  the  work  of  Solomon. 
Unfortunately,  the  relevant  psalms  and  the  section  in 
Proverbs  which  seems  to  have  most  in  common  with 
Job  are  now  generally  considered  late  and  are  assigned 
to  the  postexilic  age.  Moreover,  though  it  is  no  easy  task 
to  determine  priority  in  cases  of  literary  parallels,  in 
some  cases  the  author  of  Job  is  clearly  the  borrower.73 
Further  support  has  been  found  in  the  alleged  dependence 
of  Amos,  Isaiah,  and  other  preexilic  writers  upon  Job;74 
but  here  again  the  dependence  is  more  likely  on  the  side 
of  Job. 

Internal  evidence  appears  to  favor  a  still  later  date: 
Several  passages75  read  like  reminiscences  of  a  recent 
national  disaster,  perhaps  the  captivity  of  Israel  in  B.  C. 
722  or  that  of  Judah  in  B.  C.  586.  Those  who  believe 
that  the  former  furnished  the  background  favor  a  date 
soon  after  the  fall  of  Samaria.  Thus  the  book  has  been 


71  It  has  even  been  ascribed  to  King  Solomon  himself. 

72  For  example,  Psalms  8,  39,  88,  107. 

73  For  example,  Job  7.  17  seems  to  be  a  parody  on  Psalm  8.  5. 

74  Compare  Job  9.  8,  9  with  Amos  4.  13  and  5.  8;  12.  15  with  Amos, 
9.  6;  18.  16  with  Amos  2.  9;  30.  31  with  Amos  8.  10;  14.  n  with  Isa. 
19.  5,  etc. 

75  For  example,  9.  24;  12.  6,  13-25;  24.  12. 

153 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

credited  to  a  contemporary  of  Isaiah,76  or  to  some  one 
living  between  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah,  perhaps  during  the 
bloody  reign  of  Manasseh,  whose  persecutions  of  the 
faithful  Yah  well  worshipers  must  have  made  the  problem 
of  the  sufferings  of  the  righteous  an  acute  one,77  or  to 
a  contemporary  of  the  prophet  Jeremiah.78 

However,  in  the  light  of  the  internal  evidence  outlined 
below  it  seems  impossible  to  assign  the  book  to  a  pre- 
exilic  date;  on  the  other  hand,  there  are  strong  reasons 
for  bringing  it  down  to  the  later  postexilic  age,  probably 
not  earlier  than  B.  C.  400 :79  ( i )  The  author  must  have 
lived  subsequently  to  Jeremiah,  (a)  There  seems  to 
be  some  kind  of  literary  connection  between  Job  3  and 
Jer.  20.  14-18;  and  a  close  examination  of  the  two  pas- 
sages makes  it  clear  that  the  priority  is  on  the  side  of 
the  prophet.  "Jeremiah  was  in  no  mood  for  quotation, 
his  words  are  brief  and  abrupt.  The  book  of  Job  is  a 
highly  artistic  poem,  and  it  is  much  more  probable  that 
Job  3  is  an  elaboration  of  the  passionate  words  of  Jere- 
miah than  that  Jeremiah  adapted  in  his  sorrow  the  longer 
lament  of  Job."80  (b)  The  rise  of  the  problem  discussed 
in  Job  presupposes  the  teaching  of  Jeremiah,  and  of  his 
younger  contemporary  Ezekiel.  It  was  the  suffering  of 
the  righteous  individual  Job  that  created  the  trouble- 
some problem,  but  no  problem  of  this  sort  could  be  felt 
until  after  the  religious  value  of  the  individual  had  come 


76  Noeldeke,  Merx,  Hitzig,  Reuss,  etc. 

77  Bleek,  Ewald,  Schrader,  C.  H.  H.  Wright,  W.  T.  Davison,  etc. 

78  Kleinert,  Koenig,  etc. 

79  This  is  the  date  favored  by  a  majority  of  recent  writers;  some 
assign  the  book  to  an  even  later  date;  Cornill,  Einleitung  in  das  Alte 
Testament,  p.  348,  suggests  a  date  after  B.  C.  250;  compare  also  Stade, 
Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel,  II,  pp.  348ff. 

80  J.  E.  McFadyen,  Old  Testament  Introduction,  p.  279. 

154 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

to  be  recognized,  which  resulted  directly  from  the  teach- 
ing of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel.81  (c)  The  author's 
familiarity  with  Deuteronomy  points  in  the  same  direc- 
tion.82 Though  definite  references  to  laws  are  rare  in 
the  book  of  Job,  as  in  all  wisdom  literature,  in  a  few 
cases  the  author's  familiarity  with  Hebrew  legal  require- 
ments betrays  itself,  and  in  some  of  these  instances  the 
reference  is  to  Deuteronomic  laws.83  (2)  The  nature  of 
the  discussion  is  in  advance  of  Ezekiel.  In  emphasizing 
the  doctrine  of  personal  responsibility  the  latter  proposes 
an  extremely  mechanical  doctrine  of  retribution,  which 
made  no  provision  for  the  kind  of  exceptions  represented 
by  the  experiences  of  Job.  The  central  teaching  of  the 
book  of  Job  is  that  Ezekiel's  doctrine  is  untenable;  evi- 
dently, that  doctrine  had  been  weighed  and  found  want- 
ing.84 (3)  The  verses  which  are  thought  to  reflect  a 
serious  national  calamity85  receive  a  perfectly  natural 
meaning  when  they  are  interpreted  as  referring  back  to 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  B,  C.  586.  (4)  The  figure  of 
Satan  appears  again  in  the  Old  Testament  only  in  Zech. 

81  For  example,  Jer.  12.  i,  2;  31.  29,  30;  Ezek.  18  and  33.    The  mere 
fact  that  the  problem  of  suffering  has  occupied  the  human  mind  from 
earliest  times  throws  no  light  on  the  question  of  the  date  of  the  book  of 
Job.     That  must  be  determined  from  the  thought  development  in 
Israel,  not  from  the  literature  of  Babylonia  or  Egypt. 

82  For  the  date  of  Deuteronomy,  see  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the 
Pentateuch,  Chapter  XII. 

83  Compare,  for  example,  Job  22.  6  and  24.  9  with  Deut.  24.  17; 
24.  2  with  Deut.  19.  14;  31.  9-11,  26-28  with  Deut.  4.  19;  17.  3-7; 

22.  22. 

84  Some  have  inferred  from  the  mention  of  Job  in  Ezek.  14.  14,  20 
that  Ezekiel  knew  the  book  of  Job,  but  all  that  may  legitimately  be 
inferred  from  these  verses  is  that  the  prophet  knew  the  tradition  of  Job, 
which  is  something  entirely  different  from  knowing  the  book  in  its 
present  literary  form. 

86  9.  24;    12.  6,  13-25;   24.   12. 

155 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

3  and  in  i  Chron.  21.  i.  The  Chronicles  passage  marks 
an  advance  over  Job  because  there  the  term  has  become 
a  proper  name,  "Satan,"  while  here,  as  in  Zech.  3,  it  is 
still  an  appellative,  "the  satan,"  or  "the  adversary" ,  on 
the  other  hand,  in  Job  the  position  of  "the  adversary" 
is  more  dignified  and  secure  than  in  Zechariah;  which 
may  indicate  that  Job  is  later  than  Zechariah,  who 
prophesied  about  B.  C.  520.  (5)  Attention  has  been 
called86  to  the  similarity  between  the  temper  of  the  book 
of  Job  and  the  temper  of  the  pious  in  the  days  of 
Malachi,87  and  between  the  solution  of  the  problem  sug- 
gested in  the  prologue  and  that  of  Malachi.  Because  of 
these  striking  resemblances  the  age  of  Malachi,  about 
B.  C.  450,  was  suggested  as  a  suitable  date  for  the  Volks- 
buch  of  Job.  But  the  rest  of  the  book,  even  in  its 
original  extent,  implies  further  and  more  profound  re- 
flection upon  the  problem.  Thus,  internal  evidence,  as 
well  as  comparison  with  other  Old  Testament  books, 
would  seem  to  point  to  about  B.  C.  400  as  the  most  prob- 
able date  of  the  book  of  Job.88 

This  conclusion  is  corroborated  by  other,  though  in 
some  instances  less  direct,  evidence :  ( i )  Language  and 
style.  "The  syntax,"  says  Driver,  "is  extremely  idio- 
matic; but  the  vocabulary  contains  a  very  noticeable 
admixture  of  Aramaic  words,  and  (in  a  minor  degree) 
of  words  explicable  only  from  the  Arabic."89  So  also 

86  See  above,  p.  141. 

87  Especially  Mai.  2.  17;  3.  14. 

88  Sellin  objects  to  a  date  after  Ezra-Nehemiah  on  the  ground  that, 
had  the  author  lived  at  that  time,  his  silence  concerning  the  Law  as  an 
expression  of  the  divine  will  would  be  inexplicable.     It  should  be  re- 
membered, however,  that  the  wisdom  literature  as  a  whole  refers  but 
rarely  to  the  Law. 

89  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  434;  he  favors 
a  date  "either  during  or  shortly  after  the  Babylonian  captivity." 

IS6 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

G.  B.  Gray,  'The  prose  might  well  belong  to  the  same 
age  as  Ruth;  it  is  altogether  superior  to  that  of  Esther 
or  Daniel,  and  contains  neither  Greek  words,  like  Daniel, 
nor  Persian  words,  like  Esther,  Daniel,  and  other  late 
books.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  a  considerable  Ara- 
maic tinge  to  the  language  of  the  book.  The  language 
could  be  well  explained  as  that  of  a  work  written  after, 
yet  not  too  long  after,  the  Exile."90  (2)  The  angelology 
of  the  book91  and  its  easy  use  of  mythology.92  The 
angelology  is  in  advance  of  Zech.  1-8,  but  not  as  highly 
developed  as  in  Daniel.  Monotheism  seems  to  have  been 
so  firmly  established  that  the  use  of  mythology  was  in 
no  danger  of  being  misunderstood.  (3)  The  absence 
of  a  definite  doctrine  of  immortality  or  of  life  after 
death.  True,  19.  25-27  marks  a  step  in  the  direction  of 
such  doctrine,  but  it  falls  short  of  the  conviction  ex- 
pressed in  Dan.  12.  2  or  even  in  Isa.  26.  ip.93  (4) 
Familiarity  with  the  Pentateuch  in  its  present  form.  The 
events  of  the  book  are  located  in  the  patriarchal  age;  the 
author  seems  to  have  gathered  his  information  regarding 
primitive  conditions  not  from  any  one  of  the  Pentateuchal 
sources,  but  from  the  completed  work.94  (5)  The  use 
of  Psalm  8.  5  in  Job  7.  17,  18.  If  Psalm  8  is  based  upon 
the  P  account  of  creation,95  it  must  be  a  postexilic  poem ; 
a  parody  of  it,  such  as  Job  7.  17,  18  seems  to  be,  cannot, 
then,  be  earlier  than  the  time  of  Ezra.  All  these  different 


90  A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  127;  the  date  sug- 
gested is  about  B.  C.  400. 
81  5.  I. 
•23.8;  26.5. 

93  Isa.  24  to  27  may  come  from  the  fourth  century  B.  C. 

94  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  pp.  247ff.;  308-312. 
96  Compare  especially  Gen.  I.  27-30. 

157 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

lines  of  evidence  seem  to  point  conclusively  to  about  B.  C. 
400  as  the  date  of  the  book  of  Job. 

Historical  Character  o£  the  Book.  The  didactic  value 
and  permanent  significance  of  the  book  of  Job  are  en- 
tirely independent  of  the  question  of  historicity;  never- 
theless, it  is  of  interest  to  seek  an  answer  to  the  question, 
Is  the  book  to  be  understood  as  strictly  historical,  or  is  it 
entirely  a  work  of  the  imagination,  or  is  it  partly  one  and 
partly  the  other?  Among  the  Jews  and  among  Chris- 
tians up  to,  and  to  some  extent  even  after,  the  period  of 
the  Reformation  the  book  was  for  the  most  part  viewed 
as  veritable  history  of  things  said  and  done.96  Only  here 
and  there  doubts  were  expressed :  The  Talmud  has  pre- 
served the  opinion  of  one  early  rabbi  that  Job  never 
existed  and  that  the  book  was  merely  a  parable ;  Theodore 
of  Mopsuestia,97  while  believing  in  the  historicity  of  the 
man  Job,  considered  the  book  a  work  of  fiction  and  a 
wicked  slander  on  the  character  of  the  patriarch;  the 
renowned  Jewish  teacher  Maimonides  also  expressed 
doubts  regarding  the  historical  character  of  the  book. 

Luther  admitted  the  presence  of  a  historical  basis,  but 
denied  that  the  book  recorded  exact  history.  This  is  the 
opinion  of  a  majority  of  modern  writers,  who  hold  that 
"on  a  basis  of  historical  fact  the  writer  has  built  up  an 
imaginative  poem  dealing  with  the  question  of  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  righteous  and  their  justification  under  the 
government  of  a  righteous  God."98  In  support  of  the 

96  It  was  generally  held  that  if  this  position  were  given  up,  the  book 
could  be  considered  nothing  but  a  fraud. 

97  In  the  fifth  century  A.  D. 

98  W.  T.  Davison,  The  Wisdom  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  27. 
"It  is  hardly  conceivable,"  says  the  same  author — pp.  27,  28 — "that 
the  author  intended  the  scenes  in  heaven  of  Chapters  i  and  2  to  be 
interpreted  literally,  or  meant  it  to  be  understood  that  the  long  ad- 

158 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

historicity  of  Job  attention  is  called  to  Ezek.  14.  14,  20, 
where  Job  is  named,  by  the  side  of  Noah  and  Daniel,  as 
renowned  because  of  his  righteousness."  But  since  the 
book  of  Job  is  later  than  Ezekiel,100  the  prophet  cannot 
have  secured  his  information  from  the  book;  hence  it 
becomes  necessary  to  assume  the  existence  among  the 
Hebrews  of  a  tradition,  oral  or  written,  of  a  pious  and 
perfect  man  by  the  name  of  Job,  who  in  the  face  of  the 
severest  trials  and  sufferings  remained  loyal  to  his  God 
and  was  finally  delivered  from  all  his  dangers  and  dis- 
tress. How  much  of  the  material  in  the  present  book 
was  a  part  of  this  early  tradition  cannot  be  determined. 
It  may  have  included  the  main  facts  recorded  in  the  pro- 
logue and  epilogue;  the  piety  and  wealth  of  Job,  the 
loss  of  his  property  and  children,  the  affliction  with  a 
dreadful  disease,  and  his  fidelity  and  ultimate  deliverance. 
Other  elements  in  the  prologue  and  the  rest  of  the  book 
were  supplied  by  the  author  of  the  Volksbuch  or  by  the 
author  of  the  biblical  book  of  Job. 

If  the  names  of  the  persons  and  places  mentioned  in 
the  book  were  a  part  of  the  early  tradition,  as  is  more 
than  likely,  it  becomes  quite  certain  that  the  story 

dresses  of  Chapters  38  to  41  came  directly  as  a  voice  from  the  skies. 
The  numbers  used  in  the  prologue  and  epilogue  are  evidently  sym- 
bolical and  ideal.  It  is  unlikely  that  the  calamities  described  in  Chap- 
ter I  should  fall  with  the  dramatic  suddenness  and  regularity  that  is 
there  described,  precisely  one  survivor  only  in  each  case  being  left  to 
tell  the  tale.  Further,  the  character  of  the  speeches  of  Job  and  his 
friends  is  tolerably  conclusive.  Never  did  sufferer  in  extremis  compose 
such  elaborate  poetical  deliverances,  or  a  number  of  friends  meet  to 
condole  with  him  express  themselves  extemporaneously  in  sentences 
and  images  suggestive  of  the  greatest  skill  of  constructive  genius." 

99  It  may  be  well  to  remember  that  such  a  literary  allusion  can  in  no 
wise  establish  the  historicity  of  the  person  or  event  referred  to;  see 
F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Minor  Prophets,  pp.  318,  319. 

100  See  above,  p.  155. 

159 


TH£  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

originated  outside  of  Israel,  which  may  account  for  the 
difficulty  of  finding  a  satisfactory  Hebrew  explanation 
of  the  name  "J°l3."101  But  there  is  wide  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  the  home  of  the  hero  and  his  friends.  Many 
authors  favor  a  district  in  or  near  Edom,  for  they  insist 
that  wherever  else  in  the  Old  Testament  the  names  occur 
they  belong  to  that  general  region.102  On  the  other 
hand,  there  is  evidence  pointing  to  a  district  farther  to 
the  north  as  the  location  of  Uz;103  moreover,  Wetzstein, 
Barton,  and  others  have  pointed  out  that  the  localities 
named  in  the  book  may  all  be  identified  with  places  east- 
ward of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  in  the  district  known  as 
Hauran;  and  that  the  tradition  placing  the  story  in  the 
Hauran  is  older  than  that  locating  it  in  or  near  Edom. 
Barton,  therefore,  argues  very  strongly  in  favor  of  the 
Hauran  as  the  home  of  the  story  of  Job.104 

The  discovery  of  a  Babylonian  poem  which  presents 
numerous  parallels  to  the  book  of  Job  has  raised  the 
question  whether  the  story  of  Job  may  not  have  had  a 

101  See  above,  p.  125. 

102  Lamentations  4.  21  connects  Uz  with  Edom;  see  also  Jer.  25.  20, 
but  compare  Gen.  10.  23;  22.  21,  which  connect  Uz  with  Aram;  Eliphaz 
and  Teman  are  connected  with  Edom  in  Gen.  36.  11,  42,  and  Teman 
in  Jer.  49.  7;  Shuhite  may  be  connected  with  Shuah,  one  of  the  sons 
of  Abraham  by  Keturah,  Gen.  25.  2;  if  so,  the  name  points  to  the 
southeast;  if  Naamah  is  connected  with  the  name  of  the  daughter  of 
Lamech,  Gen.  4.  22,  the  name  would  point  to  the  territory  of  the 
Kenites,  near  Edom.     It  is  also  worthy  of  note  that  the  apocryphal 
addition  to  Job  in  the  Septuagint  identifies  Job  with  the  Edomite  king 
Jobab,  Gen.  36.  33,  and  locates  him  on  the  borders  of  Arabia  and 
Edom. 

103  For  example,  Gen.  10.  23  and  22.  21.    The  Black  Obelisk  inscrip- 
tion of  Shalmaneser  III,  line  154,  mentions  an  Uz  in  the  far  north. 
Josephus,  Antiquities,  I,  VI,  4,  says,  "Of  the  four  sons  of  Aram  Uz 
founded  Trachonitis  and  Damascus." 

104  G.  A.  Barton,  "The  Original  Home  of  the  Story  of  Job,"  in  Journal 
of  Biblical  Literature,  XXXI,  pp.  63-68. 

160 


THE  BOOK  OF  JOB 

Babylonian  origin.105  It  is  by  no  means  certain,  how- 
ever, that  there  exists  any  kind  of  literary  connection 
between  the  two  stories :  the  similarities  may  be  due  to 
similarity  of  theme  rather  than  to  conscious  or  even 
unconscious  borrowing.  But  if  the  nature  of  the  resem- 
blances should  convince  anyone  that  the  biblical  story  is 
dependent  on  the  Babylonian  tradition,  he  must  still  admit 
the  justice  of  Barton's  statement :  "It  is  quite  clear  that, 
if  the  story  traveled  westward  from  Babylonia,  it  traveled 
orally  in  bare  outline,  shorn  of  all  local  features.  The 
name  of  the  sufferer,  Job,  is  quite  different  from  the 
name  of  Tabi-utul-Bel,  and  the  localities  mentioned  in 
our  biblical  story,  indefinite  as  they  are,  certainly  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  neighborhood  of  Nippur."106 

While  it  may  be  impossible  to  determine  with  absolute 
certainty  the  original  home  of  the  story  of  Job,  on  the 
whole  a  locality  to  the  southeast  or  the  northeast  of  Pales- 
tine, near  the  borders  of  the  great  desert,  is  the  most 
probable.  From  there  it  had  to  travel  but  a  short  distance 
to  the  territory  of  the  Hebrews.  The  imported  tradi- 
tional material,  the  historical  character  of  which  can  be 
neither  proved  nor  disproved,  was  worked  over,  first  into 
a  prose-story,  then,  with  various  modifications  and  ex- 
pansions, into  the  present  book  of  Job. 

105  Morris  Jastrow,  in  Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  XXV,  pp.  135- 
191;  Die  Religion  Babyloniens  und  Assyriens,   II,  pp.   120-133;  The 
Civilization  of  Babylonia  and  A  ssyria,  pp.  374-383. 

106  Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  XXXI,  p.  64. 


161 


CHAPTER  VI 
THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 


CHAPTER  VI 
THE  SONG  OF  SONGS1 

Name.  The  title  of  the  book  in  Hebrew  is  "The  Song 
of  Songs,2  which  is  Solomon's"  ;3  hence  it  is  known  also 
as  "Song  of  Solomon."  "Song  of  Songs"  is  equivalent 
to  "the  best"  or  "the  noblest  of  songs,"4  and  means  to 
suggest  that  this  is  the  best  of  the  songs  for  which  Solo- 
mon was  famous.5  The  ascription  to  Solomon6  is  prob- 
ably an  inference  on  the  part  of  a  later  writer7  from  the 
fact  that  Solomon  is  the  most  important  personage  named 
in  the  book. 

Interpretation.    The  Song  of  Songs  has  been  called  the 

1  In  the  Jewish  canon  the  book  of  Job  is  followed  by  a  group  of  five 
short  books  known  as  the  five  Megilloth,  or  Rolls,  so  called  because  each 
of  the  five  was  written  on  a  separate  roll.     The  five  books  are  still  read 
on  certain  sacred  days  in  the  synagogues.    The  Song  of  Songs  is  read  on 
the  feast  of  Passover,  the  book  of  Ruth  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  the 
book  of  Lamentations  on  the  ninth  day  of  the  month  Ab,  on  which 
day  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  is  commemorated,  the  book  of  Eccle- 
siastes  on  the  feast  of  Tabernacles,  and  the  book  of  Esther  on  the 
feast  of  Purim. 

2  Hebrew  BT*B  *^  Shir  hashshirim,   Septuagint,   fo^a  fciuiTuv, 
Asma  asmaton,  Vulgate,  Canticum  canticorum. 

3 1.  I. 

4  Compare  "holy  of  holies,"  that  is,  the  most  holy  place. 

6  Compare  I  Kings  4.  32. 

6  The  translation  "which  is  concerning  Solomon,"  while  possible,  is 
not  probable;  the  author  of  the  title  probably  meant  to  indicate  au- 
thorship; see  above,  on  psalm  titles,  p.  47. 

7  That  the  title  does  not  come  from  the  author  of  the  book  is  sug- 
gested by  the  use  of  a  form  of  the  relative  pronoun  that  is  never  used 
in  the  body  of  the  book. 

165 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

enigma  of  the  Old  Testament.  It  is  such  not  only  be- 
cause of  the  obscurity  of  certain  details  but  also  because 
of  the  uncertainty  regarding  the  interpretation  of  the 
book  as  a  whole. 

i.  The  Allegorical  Interpretation.  The  book  owes  its 
place  in  the  canon  of  Sacred  Scripture  in  large  measure 
to  what  may  be  called  the  allegorical,  or  mystical,  or 
spiritual  interpretation,  which  has  been  applied  to  it  from 
very  early  times.8  Though  minor  variations  may  be 
traced,  the  general  Jewish  view  was  that  the  book  por- 
trayed the  close  and  loving  relationship  between  Yahweh 
and  Israel,  manifested  through  the  whole  of  its  history, 
or,  according  to  the  Targum,  from  the  Exodus  to  the 
coming  of  the  future  Messiah.  The  allegorical  interpre- 
tation was  accepted,  without  question,  by  the  early  church 
fathers,  but  they  looked  upon  Solomon  as  the  representa- 
tive of  Jesus  the  Christ,  and  the  Shulammite  as  represent- 
ing his  bride,  the  church  or  the  individual  soul.  Thus, 
according  to  the  allegorical  interpretation  among  Chris- 
tians, the  Song  of  Songs  furnishes  a  picture  of  the  inti- 
mate spiritual  fellowship  between  Jesus  the  Christ  and 

8  Like  the  books  of  Ecclesiastes  and  Esther,  the  Song  of  Songs  had  to 
struggle  long  and  hard  to  secure  a  permanent  place  in  the  canon.  Even 
after  the  final  decision  in  favor  of  its  canonicity  at  the  Council  of 
Jamnia,  about  A.  D.  90,  there  seem  to  have  been  many  Jews  who  failed 
to  show  proper  respect  for  it,  for  about  A.  D.  120  Rabbi  Akiba  found 
it  necessary  to  utter  these  words  of  warning:  "Whoever  sings  from  the 
Song  of  Songs  in  the  wine-houses,  making  it  a  common  song,  shall 
have  no  share  in  the  world  to  come."  A  fear  for  the  standing  of  the 
book  may  be  responsible  for  the  assertion  of  the  same  rabbi:  "The 
whole  world  does  not  outweigh  the  day  on  which  the  Song  of  Songs 
was  given  to  Israel;  all  the  Writings  are  holy,  but  the  Song  is  the 
holiest  of  all."  It  may  also  be  due  to  a  sense  of  insecurity  as  to  its 
spiritual  interpretation  that  the  prohibition  was  laid  down  that  no 
Jew  must  read  the  book  until  he  had  reached  the  mature  age  of  thirty 
years. 

166 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 

the  church  or  the  individual  soul.  For  centuries  Chris- 
tian commentators,  almost  without  exception,  adopted 
unhesitatingly  this  interpretation.9  As  a  modern  example 
of  this  type  of  interpretation  W.  T.  Davison  quotes  these 
words  of  Bishop  Wordsworth  :10  "All  the  ancient  Chris- 
tian expositors  agree  in  the  opinion  that  the  Song  of 
Solomon  represents  the  pure  love  and  mystical  union 
and  marriage  of  Christ  and  his  church.  They  teach  us 
to  see  in  this  divine  book  of  Holy  Scripture  a  prophetical 
representation  of  Christ's  incarnation,  of  his  preaching, 
of  his  passion,  when  he  purchased  his  Bride  with  his  own 
blood,  of  his  glorious  Resurrection  and  Ascension  into 
heaven,  of  the  sending  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  of  the  propa- 
gation of  the  gospel,  the  call  of  the  Gentiles,  and  the 
future  conversion  of  the  Jews.  .  .  .  We  must  accept  this 
spiritual  interpretation  of  the  Canticles  if  we  would  not 
degrade  it  into  an  amatory  ballad  and  voluptuous  ditty, 
and  distort  it  into  a  strange  and  chimerical  portraiture 
of  unnatural  and  portentous  monstrosities,  unworthy  of 
the  Divine  Author  of  Holy  Writ"11 

This  quotation  furnishes  an  outline  of  the  teaching  of 
the  book  according  to  the  allegorical  interpretation,  and 
at  the  same  time  suggests  the  reason  why  it  was  proposed 
in  the  first  place,  and  why  it  has  maintained  its  hold  for  so 
many  centuries :  it  was  feared  that  a  literal  interpretation 
would  reduce  the  book  to  the  level  of  a  purely  human 
production,  not  worthy  of  a  place  in  the  canon  of  Sacred 

9  Origen  wrote  a  ten-volume  commentary  on  the  book  in  which  he 
gives  a  detailed  exposition  of  the  allegorical  view ;  Bernard  of  Clairvaux 
wrote  eighty-six  sermons  on  the  first  two  chapters;  and  many  other 
writers  give  evidence  of  the  profound  influence  exerted  upon  their 
spiritual  life  by  the  Song  of  Songs  allegorically  interpreted. 

10  The  Wisdom  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  277,  278. 

11  Compare  the  chapter  headings  in  the  Authorized  Version. 

167 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

Scripture.  However,  the  first  duty  of  the  Bible  student 
is  to  discover  the  primary,  obvious,  and  natural  meaning 
of  the  biblical  books,  whatever  the  consequences  of  such 
a  search  may  be.  And  as  soon  as  the  Song  of  Songs 
is  approached  in  a  thoroughly  historical  and  scientific 
spirit  the  failure  of  the  allegorical  view  to  do  justice  to 
the  primary  purpose  of  the  book  is  revealed :  there  is  no 
hint  of  an  allegorical  significance  anywhere  in  the  book, 
and  it  can  be  maintained  only  by  doing  violence  to  all 
legitimate  principles  of  interpretation.  It  cannot  appear 
strange,  therefore,  that  the  bald  allegorical  interpretation 
has  no  longer  any  defenders  among  serious  students  of 
the  Bible. 

For  a  time  a  modified  allegorical  interpretation  found 
favor  among  some  scholars.  Bishop  Lowth,  for  instance, 
desirous  of  doing  away  with  the  extravagances  of  the 
older  view,  suggested  that  the  primary  purpose  of  the 
book  was  to  portray  the  union  of  Solomon  with  the 
daughter  of  the  king  of  Egypt,  but  that  it  contained  at 
the  same  time  an  allegorical  portrayal  of  Christ  espousing 
the  church  chosen  from  the  Gentiles.  Others  have  fol- 
lowed in  the  footsteps  of  Lowth  and,  though  admitting 
that  the  subject  of  the  book  is  human  love,  they  have, 
nevertheless,  insisted  that  this  human  love  is  typical  of 
a  higher  divine  love.  Thus  Keil  regarded  the  human  love 
typical  of  the  love  between  Yahweh  and  his  people,  M. 
Stuart,  between  God  and  the  human  soul,  and  Delitzsch 
thought  it  foreshadowed  the  love  between  Christ  and  his 
church.  In  this  modified  form  the  allegorical  view  may 
be  less  objectionable,  and  support  may  be  found  for  it 
in  the  utterances  of  Hosea,  who  likened  the  relation 
between  Yahweh  and  Israel  to  the  relation  between  hus- 
band and  wife,  and  in  the  New  Testament  comparisons 

168 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 

of  the  love  of  the  Christ  for  his  church  to  the  love  of 
a  bridegroom  for  his  bride;  but  even  this  interpretation 
goes  beyond  the  original  purpose  of  the  author.  What- 
ever symbolical  use  may  be  made  of  some  of  the  highly 
poetic  and  imaginative  expressions  in  the  book,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  central  theme  is  human  love;  and 
McFadyen  is  right  when  he  says,  "Any  love  poem  would 
be  equally  capable  of  such  [allegorical]  interpretation."12 
2.  The  Dramatic  Interpretation.  Modern  scholars 
rightly  insist  that  the  Song  of  Songs,  like  any  other  book, 
should  be  interpreted  literally ;  but  as  soon  as  an  attempt 
is  made  to  put  this  principle  into  practice,  differences  of 
opinion  arise.  While  all  are  agreed  that  the  subject  of 
the  poem  is  love,  human  love,  there  is  decided  disagree- 
ment regarding  the  manner  in  which  the  subject  is  treated. 
One  group  of  scholars  interprets  the  book  as  a  drama, 
with  a  full  equipment  of  dramatis  persona,  such  as  the 
king,  his  beloved,  the  ladies  of  the  harem,  etc.13  The 
dramatic  view  has  been  held  in  a  variety  of  forms,  but 
on  the  whole  all  the  different  dramatic  interpretations 
may  be  regarded  as  modifications  of  two  fundamentally 
distinct  views :  ( i )  According  to  one  of  these  there  are 
two  principal  characters — King  Solomon,  assuming  at 
times  the  role  of  a  shepherd,  and  the  Shulammite  maiden, 
of  whom  he  is  enamored.  The  poem  describes  how  this 
maiden  is  taken  from  her  humble  home  and  raised  to 


12  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  283. 

13  The  dramatic  view  was  first  suggested  by  Origen  in  his  description 
of  the  book  as  ''carmen  nuptiale  in  modum  dramatis  conscriptum"  (thus 
translated  by  Jerome).     It  is  generally  recognized  that  much  of  the 
poetry  is  in  the  nature  of  lyrical  monologues,  the  dialogues  are  of  the 
simplest  form,  the  plot  is  rudimentary,  and  the  action  is  without 
definite  movement;  hence  some  hesitate  to  call  it  a  drama,  even  though 
they  may  admit  a  general  dramatic  arrangement. 

169 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

honor  by  being  made  Solomon's  queen  in  Jerusalem ;  and 
the  dialogue  consists  substantially  of  mutual  expressions 
of  love  and  admiration  on  the  part  of  the  two  principal 
characters.  According  to  this  interpretation  the  didactic 
element  is  very  scant;  it  is  implied  only  in  the  assumed 
redemption  of  Solomon  from  his  impure  loves  by  his 
affection  for  the  simple,  true-hearted  Shulammite ;  conse- 
quently, the  book  is  a  portrayal  of  the  triumph  of  true 
love  over  lust. 

The  scheme  of  the  poem,  according  to  Delitzsch,  who 
may  be  considered  the  best  exponent  of  this  view,  is  as 
follows : 

ACT  I.  The  Meeting  of  the  Lovers  (i.  2  to  2.  7). 
ACT  II.  Monologue  of  the  Shulammite,  relating  two  scenes  from 
her  past  life  (2.  8  to  3.  5). 

1.  First  meeting  with  Solomon  (2.  8-17). 

2.  A  dream  (3.  1-5). 

ACT  III.  The  royal  espousals  (3.  6  to  5.  i). 
ACT  IV.  Love  lost  and  found  again  (5.  2  to  6.  9). 
ACT  V.  The  lovely,  but  modest  queen  (6.  10  to  8.  4). 
ACT  VI.  The    bridal    pair    together    in    the    Shulammite's    home 
(8.  5-14) ." 

Each  of  the  six  acts  is,  according  to  Delitzsch,  divided 
into  two  scenes.  The  rapid  shifting  of  scenes  is  suggested 
in  these  words :  "The  first  act  is  played  both  in  the  dining 
room  and  in  the  wine  room  appertaining  to  the  women 
of  the  royal  palace.  In  the  second  act  Shulamith  is  again 
at  home.  In  the  third  act,  which  represents  the  marriage, 

14  W.  H.  Bennett  suggests  the  following  outline,  using  more  modern 
phraseology,  A  Biblical  Introduction,  pp.  168,  169: 
I.  Courtship  (i.  2  to  3.  5). 
II.  Marriage  (3.  6  to  5.  i). 

III.  Domestic  difficulties  (5.  2  to  6.  9). 

IV.  Mutual  satisfaction  (6.  10  to  7.  9). 

V.  A  visit  to  the  bride's  home  (7.  10  to  8.  14). 

170 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 

the  bride  makes  her  entrance  into  Jerusalem  from  the 
wilderness,  and  what  we  further  then  hear  occurs  during 
the  marriage  festival.  The  locality  of  the  fourth  act  is 
Jerusalem,  without  being  more  particularly  defined. 
That  of  the  fifth  act  is  the  park  of  Etam,  and  then  Solo- 
mon's country  house  there.  And  in  the  sixth  act  we  see 
the  newly  married  pair  first  in  the  way  to  Shulem,  and 
then  in  Shulamith's  parental  home."15 

(2)  By  far  the  greater  number  of  scholars  favoring 
the  dramatic  interpretation  'are  of  the  opinion  that  the 
view  just  outlined  fails  to  do  justice  to  the  contents  of 
the  book ;  hence  they  give  their  adherence  to  a  view  first 
outlined  in  modern  times  by  J.  S.  Jacobi,16  and  more  fully 
developed  by  Ewald.17  According  to  this  interpretation 
there  are  three  principal  characters — King  Solomon,  the 
Shulammite,  and  her  shepherd  lover ;  and  the  book  relates 
how  the  beautiful  Shulammite  was  surprised  by  Solomon 
and  his  suite  and  was  brought  to  the  palace  in  Jerusalem, 
where  the  king  sought  to  persuade  her  to  become  his 
queen.  However,  she  had  already  pledged  her  heart  to 
a  young  shepherd,  and  all  the  efforts  of  the  king  to  make 
her  forget  him  failed.  In  the  end  she  was  permitted  to 
return  to  her  home,  where,  at  the  close  of  the  poem,  the 
lovers  appear  arm  in  arm  glorifying,  in  the  most  glowing 
terms,  genuine,  spontaneous  affection  and  love. 

According  to  this  view  the  chief  incidents  described 
in  the  poem  are  as  follows : 


15  Franz  Delitzsch,  The  Song  of  Songs  (English  translation),  p.  II. 

16  In  Das  durch  eine  leichte  und  ungekuenstelte  Erklaerung  von  seinen 
Vorwuerfen  gerrettete  Hohelied,  published  in  1771.    In  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury the  Jewish  commentator  Ibn  Ezra  had  introduced  the  distinction 
between  the  lover  and  the  king. 

17  Dichter  des  Allen  Bundes,  III,  pp.  3330*. 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

ACT  I.  The  Shulammite  and  king  Solomon  (i.  2  to  2.  7). 

Scene  I.  The  Shulammite  and  the  ladies  of  the  court,  who  fail  to 

understand  her  longing   for  the  shepherd   lover    (i. 

2-8). 
Scene  2.  Solomon  seeks  to  win  the  Shulammite's  love,  but  fails; 

she  protests  against  the  cruel  attempts  to  make  her 

transfer  her  affection  (i.  9  to  2.  7). 

ACT   II.  The  Shulammite  and  her  shepherd  lover  (2.  8  to  3.  5). 
Scene  i.  The  Shulammite's  reminiscence  of  her  lover's  visit;  she 

hopes  that  they  may  soon  be  reunited  (2.  8-17). 
Scene  2.  A  dream,  in  which  the  Shulammite  goes  in  search  for 

her  lover  (3.  1-5). 

ACT   III.  Attempts  to  win  the  Shulammite's  love  (3.  6  to  5.  8). 
Scene  i.  The  royal  pageant,  intended  to  portray  the  glory  and 

splendor  awaiting  the  Shulammite  if  she  yields  to  the 

king  (3.  6-1 1 ). 

Scene  2.  Solomon  renews  his  plea  (4.  1-7). 
Scene  3.  Interview,  ideal  or  real,  between  the  Shulammite  and  her 

shepherd  lover  (4.  8  to  5.  i). 
Scene  4.  A  second  dream,  in  which  the  Shulammite  seeks  her 

lover  in  vain  throughout  the  city  (5.  2-8). 
ACT  IV.  The  Shulammite's  unswerving  love  for  her  shepherd  lover 

(5.  9  to  8.4). 
Scene  i.  Dialogue  between  the  Shulammite  and  the  court  ladies 

regarding  the  shepherd  lover  (5.  9  to  6.  3). 
Scene  2.  Renewed  endeavors  on  the  part  of  Solomon  to  win  the 

Shulammite's  affection  (6.  4  to  7.  9). 
Scene  3.  Reaffirmation  of  the  Shulammite's  love  for  her  absent 

lover;  her  longing  to  be  with  him  (7.  10  to  8.  4). 
ACT  V.  Reunion   of  the   Shulammite  and  her   shepherd  lover    (8. 

5-14). 

This  interpretation  also  finds  in  the  poem  numerous 
expressions  of  admiration  and  love  on  the  part  of  the 
principal  characters,  but,  in  addition,  it  sees  running 
through  the  book  a  definite  didactic  aim,  namely,  to 
glorify  true  human  love,  more  especially  true  betrothed 
love,  which  remains  steadfast  even  in  the  most  dangerous 
and  seductive  situations.  Thus  the  story  of  the  book 
illustrates  the  triumph  of  love  over  temptation. 

The  material  for  the  drama  was  found  by  the  author  in 

172 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 

the  biblical  story  of  Abishag  the  Shunammite,18  which 
was  arranged  and  reconstructed  by  him  in  accord  with 
a  definite  purpose  and  aim.  In  the  words  of  Rothstein : 
"The  author,  as  we  may  perhaps  assume  with  certainty, 
found  the  material  for  his  work  in  the  story  of  Abishag 
of  Shunem.  She  remained  true  to  the  beloved  of  her 
heart,  she  steadily  repelled  all  the  advances  of  Solomon, 
into  whose  harem  she  had  been  brought,  and  finally  she 
triumphed,  was  conducted  home,  and  restored  to  her 
lover  perfectly  pure.  The  poem  makes  two  presupposi- 
tions— one  being  that  the  Shunammite's  heart  belonged 
to  a  youth  in  her  own  home,  and  the  other,  that  mean- 
while, against  her  will,  she  had  been  brought  into  the 
royal  apartments.  The  dramatic  exposition  commences 
at  the  time  when  the  first  meeting  of  the  king  with  the 
maiden  is  close  at  hand  and  actually  takes  place.  The 
dialogue  between  the  Shunammite  and  the  daughters  of 
Jerusalem — the  wives  and  maidens  belonging  to  the  royal 
harem — in  i.  2-8,  serves  to  pave  the  way,  in  true  dramatic 
fashion,  for  that  meeting,  and  at  the  same  time  to  explain 
the  real  inward  disposition  of  the  Shunammite  toward 
the  approaching  royal  suitor,  which  the  poet  henceforth 
makes  her  retain  without  wavering.  If,  now,  we  would 
understand  aright  the  further  structure  of  the  poem,  it 
must  be  observed  that  the  scheme  chosen  by  the  author 
for  the  poetical  disposition  of  his  material  is  based  upon 
the  different  stages  in  the  courtship  and  the  marriage 
festivities  down  to  the  moment  when  alone  the  real  vic- 
tory of  loyal  love,  the  preservation  of  bridely  honor  in 
the  face  of  all  temptations  and  assaults,  was  evidenced 

18  I  Kings  i.  3ff.;  Shulammite  is  probably  a  variation  of  Shunammite, 
i  Kings  i .  3ff. ;  2  Kings  4.  8ff. ;  that  is,  a  native  of  Shunem,  a  town  in 
Issachar,  Josh.  19.  18. 

173 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

and  could  be  evidenced,  namely,  the  morning  after  the 
bridal  night  passed  with  the  real  lover/'19 

3.  The  Lyric  Interpretation.  A  few  years  after  the 
publication  of  Jacobi's  interpretation,  J.  G.  Herder  pro- 
posed a  new  theory  of  the  Song  of  Songs,20  which  from 
that  time  on  has  proved  a  rival  of  the  dramatic  interpre- 
tation, and  in  some  one  of  its  various  forms  has  found 
acceptance  with  a  majority  of  the  more  recent  writers  on 
the  subject.  Herder  interpreted  the  book  as  a  collection 
of  forty-four  independent  love  songs,  held  together  "by 
no  closer  link  than  that  of  a  number  of  pearls  on  one 
string."  While  this  view  found  favor  with  several  Old 
Testament  scholars,  among  them  DeWette,  Magnus,  and 
Bleek,  it  exerted  only  a  limited  influence  until  it  was  taken 
up  and  placed  on  a  firmer  basis  by  J.  G.  Wetzstein,  and 
especially  by  Budde.  Renan  had  already  suggested,  in- 
fluenced by  accounts  of  wedding  festivities  in  the  East, 
that  the  Song  of  Songs  is  an  old  Palestinian  wedding 
play,  arranged  in  acts  intended  for  the  successive  days 
of  the  marriage  feast;21  but  the  credit  of  marking  a 
turning  point  in  the  interpretation  of  the  book  must  be 
given  to  an  article  on  "Die  Syrische  Dreschtafel,"22  by 
J.  G.  Wetzstein,  for  many  years  Prussian  consul  at 
Damascus,  though  even  this  article  received  scant  notice 
until  the  subject  was  popularized  by  Budde.23 

"Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  article  "Song  of  Songs";  for  the 
test  to  which  Rothstein  refers,  see  Deut.  22.  136?. 

20  Solomons  Lieder  der  Liebe,  die  aeltesten  und  schoensten  aus  dem 
Morgenlande,  published  in  1778. 

21  The  Song  of  Songs  (English  translation),  pp.  62,  63. 

22  That  is,  "The  Syrian  Threshing  Board."    Published  in  Zeitschrift 
fuer  Ethnologie,  1873,  pp.  2706?. 

23  The  Song  of  Solomon,  in  The  New  World,  1894,  pp.  56-71;  Was  is 
das  Hohelied?  in  Preussische  Jahrbuecher,  1894,  pp.  92-117;  Das  Hohe- 
lied,  in  Kurzer  Hand-Commentar,  pp.  xvi-xxi. 

174 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 

According  to  these  writers  and  others  holding  the  same 
view  the  marriage  customs  of  Syria  and  Palestine  furnish 
the  key  to  a  proper  understanding  of  the  Song  of  Songs. 
In  modern  Syria  the  first  seven  days  after  a  wedding 
are  called  "the  king's  week,"  during  which  the  bride  and 
groom  play  the  part  of  queen  and  king  and  are  treated 
as  such  by  their  friends.  The  majority  of  important 
village  weddings  are  celebrated  in  March,  the  most  de- 
lightful of  the  Syrian  year,  which  makes  it  possible  to 
have  the  festivities  in  the  open,  ordinarily  on  the  thresh- 
ing-floor. The  threshing  board  is  turned  into  a  mock 
throne,  on  which  the  bride  and  groom  are  seated,  while 
their  friends  sing  and  dance  before  them.  Among  the 
songs  of  this  occasion  the  wasf,  that  is,  a  poetic  descrip- 
tion of  the  bodily  perfection  of  the  newly-weds  and  their 
ornaments,  holds  a  prominent  place.  The  first  of  these 
wasfs  is  sung  on  the  evening  of  the  wedding  day :  in  the 
presence  of  the  friends  of  the  bride  and  groom,  the 
former,  with  a  sword  in  her  right  hand  and  a  handker- 
chief in  her  left,  dances  the  sword  dance,  which  is  accom- 
panied or  followed  by  a  wasf  in  praise  of  her  personal 
beauty  and  charm.  Other  similar  wasfs  follow  on  the 
succeeding  days  of  the  celebration.  During  the  entire 
week  bride  and  groom  are  attired  in  their  wedding  gar- 
ments, they  are  not  permitted  to  do  any  work,  their  sole 
occupation  being  to  watch  the  games  played  before  them. 
According  to  this  view,  then,  the  Song  of  Songs  is  a  col- 
lection of  wasfs  and  other  wedding  songs  covering  the 
seven  days  of  the  "king's  week,"  with  no  other  link  of 
connection  than  their  common  theme  of  love  and  wedded 
bliss.  The  king  is  not  Solomon,  but  a  peasant  bride- 
groom who  during  this  one  week  bears  the  name  of  this 
splendid  and  splendor-loving  monarch,  the  three  score 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

mighty  men  are  the  companions  of  the  bridegroom,  and 
the  bride  is  called  Shulammite  or  Shunammite  because 
that  term  is  suggestive  of  superlative  beauty.24 

When  Budde  wrote  his  commentary  no  examples  of 
the  use  of  such  royal  play  names  were  known;  later  re- 
searches, however,  have  brought  to  light  cases  in  which  the 
bridegroom  is  not  only  likened  to  a  king  but  in  which  he 
actually  receives  the  name  of  a  king.25 

In  the  absence  of  all  indications  regarding  the  begin- 
ning or  end  of  the  individual  songs  scholars  naturally 
are  not  agreed  as  to  the  number  or  length  of  the  songs. 
The  following  outline,  however,  may  serve  as  an  illustra- 
tion of  the  theory:  The  opening  verses  are  introductory; 
the  bride  praises  the  bridegroom,  depreciates  her  own 
beauty,  and  asks  where  the  bridegroom  may  be  found.26 
In  the  rest  of  the  book  each  sings  the  other's  praises  :27 

1.  The  happiness  of  the  bride  (i.  9  to  2.  7). 

2.  A  spring  wooing   (2.  8-17). 

3.  The  bride's  dream  (3.  1-5). 

4.  The  bridegroom's  procession  (3.  6-n). 

5.  The  charms  of  the  bride  (4.  i  to  5.  i). 

6.  The  beauty  of  the  bridegroom  (5.  2  to  6.  3). 

7.  Praise  of  the  bride  (6.  4-12). 

8.  Praise  of  the  bride,  as  she  dances  the  sword  dance  (7.  i-io). 

9.  The  bride's  longing  (7.  11  to  8.  4). 

10.  The  incomparable  power  of  love  (8.  5-7). 

11.  The  bride's  reply  to  her  brothers  (8.  8-10). 

12.  The  two  vineyards    (8.  n,  12). 

13.  Conclusion  (8.  13,  14). 


24  i  Kings  i.  3;  compare  Song  of  Songs  i.  8;  5.  9;  6.  i. 

26  E.  Littmann,  Neuarabische  Volkspoesie,  Texte,  A,  IV,  52,  98,  100; 
B,  I,  31- 

28  i.  2-8. 

27  It  is  not  necessary  to  assume  that  all  the  songs  were  sung  by  the 
newly  wedded  pair;  some  of  them  may  have  been  sung  by  the  men 
and  women  participating  in  the  festivities,  who  placed  them  in  the 
mouths  of  bride  and  bridegroom. 

176 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 

Which  of  these  views  offers  the  most  satisfactory  inter- 
pretation of  the  Song  of  Songs?  The  allegorical  view 
must  be  rejected  because  it  disregards  the  clear  meaning 
of  the  text.  Of  the  two  dramatic  interpretations  the  one 
recognizing  the  presence  of  three  principal  characters  is 
to  be  preferred.28  The  other  dramatic  interpretation  not 
only  is  peculiar  in  that  it  makes  Solomon  "appear  in  the 
garb  and  character  of  a  shepherd  (i.  7,  1 6,  17;  6.  2,  3), 
visiting  a  country  girl  in  her  home  (2.  8ff.),  proposing 
to  make  her  his  bride  (3.  6ff.),  and  appearing  with  her  in 
the  closing  scene,  not  in  his  own  palace  which,  ex  hypo- 
thesi,  was  to  be  her  future  abode,  but  in  her  native  village 
(8.  5ff.)";  but  there  are  also  numerous  other  passages 
which  have  no  natural  explanation  unless  a  third  charac- 
ter is  introduced. 

A  much  more  important  question,  however,  is  whether 
the  book  is  to  be  interpreted  as  a  drama  at  all  or  simply 
as  a  collection  of  ancient  love  or  wedding  songs.29  The 
principal  arguments  advanced  in  favor  of  the  dramatic 
view  are:  (i)  It  is  claimed  that  the  apparent  unity  of 
the  book  cannot  be  harmonized  with  the  other  view.30 
(2)  It  is  asserted  that  the  poem  reveals  dramatic  move- 
ment and  action,  all  leading  gradually  and  steadily  to  a 
definite  goal.  (3)  It  is  pointed  out  that  the  dramatic 
interpretation,  at  least  the  one  unfolded  by  Ewald,  fur- 
nishes an  ethical  justification  for  the  admission  of  the 
Song  of  Songs  into  the  canon,  which  it  would  lack  with 


28  Koenig,  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  p.  423,  rightly  calls  the 
other  view  "impossible." 

29  A  mythological  significance  is  seen  in  the  Song  of  Songs  by  Erbt — 
Die  Hebraeer,  pp.  I96ff. — but  even  if  some  of  the  songs  should  have  a 
mythological  basis,  in  their  present  form  they  rise  above  it. 

30  H.  T.  Fowler,  A  History  of  the  Literature  of  Ancient  Israel,  p.  363; 
S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  437. 

177 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

the  other  view.  Regarding  argument  (3)  it  may  be 
stated  that  though  of  all  modern  theories  the  theory  of 
Ewald  offers  "the  noblest  interpretation  of  the  book  as 
a  drama  of  pure  love  tried  and  proved  in  the  furnace 
of  temptation,"  it  was  not  the  dramatic  but  the  allegorical 
interpretation  that  secured  the  admission  of  the  book  into 
the  canon.  Moreover,  the  dramatic  movement  and  action 
(2)  are  by  no  means  as  clear  and  definite  as  the  dramatic 
interpretation  assumes.  Even  Driver,  an  ardent  advocate 
of  Ewald's  view,  admits  that  "the  poem  can  hardly  be 
said  to  exhibit  a  'plot'  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  term/' 
and  that  "as  read,  the  Song  is  so  difficult  of  comprehen- 
sion that  it  would  seem  to  have  been  originally  designed 
to  be  acted,  the  different  parts  being  personated  by  dif- 
ferent actors,  though  even  the  varied  gesture  and  voice 
of  a  single  reciter  might  perhaps  be  sufficient  to  enable 
a  sympathetic  circle  of  hearers  to  apprehend  its  pur- 
port."31 

Again,  does  the  poem  really  lead  to  a  definite  goal? 
One  would  expect  this  goal  to  be  the  consummation  of 
love  in  marriage,  and  so  it  may  seem  to  the  superficial 
reader;32  but  in  reality  this  consummation  is  already 
presupposed  in  the  earlier  chapters  of  the  book.33  Once 
more,  while  there  is  a  certain  unity  in  the  book  ( i ) ,  strict 
dramatic  unity  cannot  be  traced;  the  unity  exhibited  is 
the  unity  of  motive  and  theme,  which  is  in  no  wise 
affected  by  the  other  interpretation.  Thus,  the  arguments 
in  favor  of  the  dramatic  interpretation  are  by  no  means 
conclusive ;  a  good  deal  has  to  be  read  between  the  lines ; 


31 S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament, 
pp.  444,  447. 

32  8.  sff. 

33  Compare  I.  2ff.;  I.  I2ff.;  2.  iff.;  3.  iff.,  etc. 

178 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 

hence  there  seems  abundant  justification  for  the  statement 
of  Gray :  "The  main  question  is  whether  the  little  drama 
.  .  .  constructed  by  Ewald  was  constructed  by  him  out 
of  the  text,  or  simply  read  by  him  into  the  text."34 

The  absence  of  all  headings  or  stage  directions  presents 
another  perplexity.  True,  Ewald  has  supplied  these, 
but  his  scheme  has  not  proved  satisfactory  in  details; 
practically  every  commentator  distributes  the  verses 
among  the  different  persons  according  to  a  scheme  of 
his  own.  It  has,  indeed,  been  suggested  that  originally 
there  were  such  directions,  and  that  they  were  removed 
when  it  was  decided  that  the  poem  should  be  interpreted 
as  an  allegory ;  but  is  there  anything  to  support  this  sug- 
gestion? The  brevity  of  the  Song  may  be  regarded  as 
another  objection :  Is  it  natural  to  interpret  one  hundred 
and  sixteen  verses  as  constituting  five  acts  or  thirteen 
scenes  of  a  drama?  It  is  also  well  to  remember  that 
there  is  no  other  example  of  a  drama  in  the  proper  sense 
of  the  term  in  the  literature  of  any  Semitic  people.  It 
may  further  be  asked  whether  an  Oriental  poet  would  be 
likely  to  represent  King  Solomon  as  taking  a  refusal 
from  a  peasant  maid.  This  is  hardly  the  way  of  Oriental 
monarchs. 

One  can  hardly  escape  the  conclusion  that  the  dramatic 
interpretation  was  not  the  outgrowth  of  an  independent 
study  of  the  book,  but  had  its  origin  in  the  allegorical 
view.  The  allegorical  scheme  recognized  two  characters 
— Yahweh  and  Israel,  or  Christ  and  the  church;  when 
a  saner  exegesis  led  to  the  conviction  that  the  theme 
was  human  love  rather  than  divine  love,  two  principal 
characters  were  retained;  later  it  was  found  necessary 
to  add  a  third,  while  some  scholars  introduced  additional 
34  A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  158. 

179 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

characters  to  take  care  of  passages  for  which  they  could 
find  no  explanation  under  the  commonly  accepted  scheme. 
It  is  not  without  reason,  therefore,  that  the  dramatic 
theory  has  been  accused  of  furnishing  a  modern  Targum 
to  the  book  "which  as  completely  transforms  and  mis- 
represents an  ancient  piece  of  literature  as  Jewish  Tar- 
gums  which  turned  it  into  a  history  of  Israel,  or  Chris- 
tian commentators  that  made  it  relate  the  history  of  the 
incarnation." 

It  seems  much  more  scientific  to  interpret  the  little 
book  in  the  light  of  the  customs,  practices,  and  songs  of 
the  land  in  which  it  had  its  birth.  If  this  is  done,  the 
theory  of  Wetzstein  and  Budde,  in  some  form,  is  seen 
to  attain  a  high  degree  of  probability.  The  presence  of 
ancient  wedding  songs  is  recognized  even  by  some  de- 
fenders of  the  dramatic  interpretation.  J.  W.  Rothstein, 
for  example,  admits  "the  possibility  of  older  wedding 
songs  having  been  worked  up  in  the  Song  of  Songs.  But 
this  does  not  exclude  the  supposition  that  the  Song  in 
its  present  form  is  of  a  dramatic  nature,  and  that  its 
author,  not  a  redactor,  or  reviser,  introduced  'movement' 
or  'development'  into  the  material  of  which  it  is  com- 
posed."35 But  even  in  this  modified  form  the  dramatic 
view  cannot  easily  be  maintained.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  may  be  necessary  to  modify  in  certain  details  the  theory 
proposed  by  Budde.  As  has  been  stated,  he  held  that  the 
Song  is  a  collection  of  wedding  songs ;  but  further  study 
of  the  folk-poetry  of  Palestine  has  brought  to  light  many 
wasfs  celebrating  the  beauty  and  charms  not  of  brides 
alone  but  of  loved  ones  in  general.36  From  which  the 


35  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  artic'.e  "Song  of  Songs";  compare 
also  H.  T.  Fowler,  History  of  the  Literature  of  Ancient  Israel,  p.  363. 

36  Compare  G.  Dalman,  Palastinischer  Diwan,  pp.  xii,  looff. 

1 80 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 

inference  may  be  drawn  that  the  collection  contains  not 
only  wedding  songs  but  also  effusions  of  young  and 
ardent  lovers  who  have  not  yet  reached  the  state  of 
wedded  bliss.  If  this  inference  is  correct,  the  Song  of 
Songs  may  be  regarded  as  an  anthology  of  ancient  He- 
brew love  and  wedding  songs.37  But  it  is  not  a  haphazard 
collection,  for  there  are  throughout  the  Song  suggestions 
of  a  certain  literary  unity.  Whatever  the  origin  and 
original  form  of  the  individual  songs  may  have  been,  they 
were  probably  worked  over  and  put  in  their  present  form 
by  one  editor,  whose  aim  was  "to  present  a  ritual  to  be 
used  in  the  wedding  ceremonies  that  would  be  both  noble 
and  chaste.  .  .  .  While  they  do  not  adequately  present 
the  sanctity  and  beauty  inherent  in  our  modern  ideal  of 
marriage — for  that  ideal  was  unknown  to  the  East — they 
do  extol  nobly  and  exquisitely  the  sanctity  and  beauty 
of  true  love  between  man  and  woman.  Nowhere  in 
literature  has  this  divine  passion  been  more  beautifully 
described  than  in  the  words  which  the  bride  addresses  to 
her  husband  as  she  enters  his  home,  thereby  making  com- 
plete the  marriage  relation : 

Love  is  as  strong  as  death ; 

Jealousy  is  as  irresistible  as  Sheol; 

Its  flames  are  flames  of  fire, 

A  very  flame  of  Jehovah. 

Many  waters  cannot  quench  love, 

Nor  can  floods  drown  it."38 


37  P.  Haupt,  Biblische  Liebeslieder,  pp.  xiii,  xiv;  N.  Schmidt,  Mes- 
sages of  the  Poets,  pp.  2256?.;  C.  F.  Kent,  The  Songs,  Hymns,  and 
Prayers  of  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  26ff.;  W.  Robinson,  Encyclopaedia 
Britannica,  eleventh  edition,  article  "Song  of  Songs";  for  an  outline  of 
the  book  according  to  this  theory,  see  A.  R.  Gordon,  The  Poets  of  the 
Old  Testament,  pp.  3i7ff. 

38  C.  F.  Kent,  The  Songs,  Hymns,  and  Prayers  of  the  Old  Testament, 
p.  28. 

181 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

Authorship  and  Date.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
intended  meaning  of  the  words  of  the  title  translated 
"which  is  Solomon's,"39  tradition  has  interpreted  them 
as  meaning  that  King  Solomon  is  the  author  of  the  Song 
of  Songs;  and  no  doubt  belief  in  Solomonic  authorship 
accounts  in  part,  though  in  part  only,40  for  the  admission 
of  the  book  into  the  canon.  But  whatever  interpretation 
of  the  book  may  be  accepted,  Solomonic  authorship  is  out 
of  the  question.41  The  ascription  to  Solomon  is  a  mis- 
taken inference  from  the  fact  that  Solomon  is  the  most 
famous  person  named  in  the  book,42  coupled  with  the 
statement  in  i  Kings  4.  32  that  he  was  the  author  of  one 
thousand  and  five  songs. 

To  go  beyond  this  negative  conclusion  is  not  easy. 
Historical  allusions  are  rare,43  and  there  is  no  definite 
religious  or  theological  teaching;  hence  the  linguistic 
characteristics  offer  about  the  only  criterion  for  the  de- 
termination of  the  date.  That  the  language  of  the  book 
exhibits  several  peculiarities  is  generally  admitted,  but 
the  origin  of  these  has  been  variously  explained.  Some 
scholars  have  sought  to  account  for  them  by  assuming 
that  the  book  originated  in  the  northern  kingdom,  whose 
language  differed  dialectically  from  the  language  spoken 

39  See  above,  p.  165. 

40  Another,  at  least  equally  important,  reason  was  the  allegorical 
interpretation,  see  above,  p.  166. 

41  The  mention  of  Tirzah,  the  ancient  capital  of  the  northern  king- 
dom, 6.  4,  as  a  parallel  to  Jerusalem  would  in  itself  be  sufficient  to 
prove  that  the  poem  originated  later  than  Solomon's  reign;  compare 
i  Kings  14.  17;  16.  23. 

42  3.  7-1 1 ;  8.  II,  20. 

43  The  fact  that  David's  name  is  connected  with  a  tower  in  Jerusalem 
and  that  Solomon  appears  as  a  type  of  royal  luxury  and  splendor  may 
suggest  that  the  reigns  of  the  two  kings  are  in  the  distant  past,  but  how 
far  no  one  can  tell  from  these  allusions. 

182 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 

in  Judah.  Another  evidence  pointing  to  a  northern  origin 
is  seen  in  the  frequent  mention  of  northern  localities,  such 
as  Tirzah,  Carmel,  Sharon,  Hermon,  Lebanon,  Gilead, 
etc.  Origin  in  the  northern  kingdom  would  imply  a  date  ' 
earlier  than  B.  C.  722,  and  from  the  mention  of  Tirzah 
it  has  been  inferred  that  the  poem  was  written  while 
Tirzah  was  the  capital,44  that  is,  between  Jeroboam  I  and 
Omri;  in  other  words,  during  the  closing  years  of  the 
tenth  century  or  the  opening  years  of  the  ninth  century. 

But  these  arguments  are  by  no  means  conclusive. 
Tirzah  seems  to  have  remained  a  city  of  prominence  for 
some  time  after  it  ceased  to  be  the  capital,45  and  there 
seems  to  be  no  good  reason  why  it  might  not  have  been 
coupled  with  Jerusalem  as  late  as  the  postexilic  period. 
Moreover,  its  mention  may  not  be  due  to  political  or  com- 
mercial prominence,  but  to  the  suggestiveness  of  its  name 
-Tirzah,  meaning  pleasantness,  would  naturally  suggest 
beauty.  Over  against  the  mention  of  northern  localities 
stands  the  naming  of  Jerusalem,  Engedi,  Kedar,  and 
Heshbon  in  the  south  and  southeast;  and  there  is  at  least 
equal  ground,  especially  in  view  of  the  frequent  refer- 
ences to  the  daughters  of  Jerusalem,  for  believing  that 
the  Song  originated  in  Jerusalem.  All  the  northern 
localities  named  are  such  as  might  be  known  to  a  Judsean. 
That  the  language  of  Israel  differed  to  some  extent  from 
that  of  Judah  is  probable,  but  regarding  the  significance 
of  the  linguistic  argument  in  this  particular  case  two 
things  should  be  noted :  ( i )  that  the  linguistic  peculiari- 
ties of  the  Song  of  Songs  are  not  found  in  the  book  of 
Hosea,  the  one  Old  Testament  book  that  is  known  with 
certainty  to  have  originated  in  the  northern  kingdom; 

44 1  Kings  14.  17;  16.  23. 

46  Compare  2  Kings  15.  14,  16. 

183 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

and  (2)  that  there  is  nothing  to  support  the  assumption, 
involved  in  the  theory  of  a  northern  origin,  that  the 
characteristics  peculiar  to  the  language  of  the  northern 
kingdom  coincided  with  the  characteristics  found  in  the 
Hebrew  of  the  late  postexilic  period. 

The  linguistic  characteristics  are  more  easily  explained 
by  assuming  a  postexilic  date  for  the  book  in  its  present 
form.  For  instance,  the  relative  pronoun  she,  used 
throughout  the  book  to  the  exclusion  of  the  usual  form 
asher,  is  used  elsewhere,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
cases  in  Judges  and  in  2  Kings  6.  n,  only  in  exilic  and 
postexilic  writings,  with  frequency  only  in  the  late  book 
of  Ecclesiastes,  while  in  the  Mishna  it  is  the  regular 
form  of  the  relative  pronoun.  The  occurrence  of  the 
Persian  word  pardes  in  4.  13  seems  to  point,  at  the 
earliest,  to  the  Persian  period;  it  is  used  elsewhere  only 
in  late  postexilic  books.46  The  word  appirion  in  3.  9 
looks  like  a  Hebraized  form  of  the  Greek  0opetoi> ;  if  so, 
it  would  favor  a  rather  late  date.  In  addition,  there  are 
many  words  and  phrases  which  occur  never  or  rarely  in 
other  biblical  books,  but  are  common  in  Aramaic.47  On 
the  whole,  therefore,  what  evidence  there  is  seems  to 
favor  a  date  during  the  late  Persian  or  early  Greek 
period;  perhaps  somewhere  between  B.  C.  400  and  300. 
This  applies  to  the  work  of  the  editor  who  gave  to  the 
Song  its  present  form;  he,  however,  "drew  his  material 
from  the  love  and  wedding  songs  that  had  long  been  cur- 
rent among  the  people  of  Palestine.  Some  of  these  may 
well  come  from  the  days  preceding  the  exile,  when  the 
memory  of  the  glories  of  Solomon's  kingdom  and  the 

«Neh.  2.  8;  Eccl.  2.  5. 

47  These  expressions  are  enumerated  in  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to 
the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  448. 

184 


THE  SONG  OF  SONGS 

story  of  Abishag  the  Shulammite,  the  fairest  maiden  of 
Israel,  were  still  fresh  in  the  minds  of  the  people."48  But 
it  is  not  possible  to  determine  the  dates  of  the  individual 
songs  within  more  closely  defined  limits. 

«  C.  F.  Kent,  The  Songs,  Hymns,  and  Prayers  of  the  Old  Testament 
p.  28. 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  BOOK  OF  RUTH 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  BOOK  OF  RUTH 

Name.  The  book  of  Ruth  receives  its  name,  Hebrew 
ni'y  from  its  heroine,  Ruth,  the  Moabitess.  In  the 
Jewish  canon  it  is  one  of  the  Writings  and  one  of  the  five 
Megilloth,  or  Rolls;2  in  the  English  Bible3  it  is  placed 
after  the  book  of  Judges,  because  the  incidents  related  in 
it  belong  to  the  period  of  the  Judges.4 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  of  Ruth  narrates 
how  Elimelech  of  Bethlehem,  his  wife,  Naomi,  and  his 
two  sons,  Mahlon  and  Chilion,  went  to  live  in  a  town 
of  Moab.  After  the  death  of  the  father  the  sons  mar- 
ried Moabitish  wives,  Orpah  and  Ruth.  Before  long  both 
Mahlon  and  Chilion  died,  which  left  Naomi  alone  with 
her  two  daughters-in-law.  On  Naomi's  decision  to  return 
to  Bethlehem  Ruth  insisted  on  accompanying  her.  In 
Bethlehem  Ruth  made  the  acquaintance  of  her  kinsman 
Boaz,  who  in  the  end  married  her.  A  son  was  born  to 
them,  Obed,  the  father  of  Jesse,  who  became  the  father 
of  David.  The  following  is  a  brief  outline : 


1  From  the  fuller  form     ^7.  meaning  "friendship." 

2  See  above,  p.  165;  Ruth  is  read  on  the  day  of  Pentecost. 

3  Following  the  Vulgate,  which,  in  turn,  is  dependent  on  the  Septua- 
gint. 

4  Bertheau,  Ewald,  and  others,  depending  largely  on  the  order  of  the 
books  in  the  Septuagint,  have  advocated  the  view  that  originally  Ruth 
was  a  kind  of  appendix  to  the  book  of  Judges;  but  there  is  no  good 
reason  for  such  assumption. 

189 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

1.  Elimelech  and  his  family  in  Moab  (i.  1-5). 

2.  Return  of  Naomi  and  Ruth  to  Judah  (i.  6-22). 

(1)  Naomi's  desire  to  return  (i.  6-14). 

(2)  Ruth's  choice  (i.  15-22). 

3.  Ruth  in  the  field  of  Boaz  (2.  1-23). 

(i)   Ruth's  gleaning  (2.  1-7). 
(2)  Kindness  of  Boaz  (2.  8-23). 

4.  Ruth's  request  of  Boaz  (3.  1-18). 

5.  Ruth's  marriage  to  Boaz  (4.  1-12). 

6.  Ancestry  of  David  (4.  13-22). 

Aim  of  the  Book.  The  literary  beauty  of  the  little 
book  can  be  appreciated  even  without  a  knowledge  of  its 
aim  or  purpose.  "Whatever  be  its  didactic  purpose,"  says 
McFadyen,  "it  is,  at  any  rate,  a  wonderful  prose  poem, 
sweet,  artless,  and  persuasive,  touched  with  the  quaint- 
ness  of  an  older  world  and  fresh  with  the  scent  of  the 
harvest  fields.  The  love — stronger  than  country — of 
Ruth  for  Naomi,  the  gracious  figure  of  Boaz  as  he 
moves  about  the  fields  with  a  word  of  blessing  for  the 
reapers,  the  innocent  scheming  of  Naomi  to  secure  him 
as  a  husband  for  Ruth — these  and  a  score  of  similar 
touches  establish  the  book  forever  in  the  heart  of  all  who 
love  nobility  and  romance."5 

Nevertheless,  it  is  of  interest  to  inquire  why  this  beauti- 
ful story  was  written.  The  more  important  answers  sug- 
gested are  three :  i.  The  book  was  written  out  of  interest 
in  the  family  history  of  David.  The  books  of  Samuel 
have  nothing  to  say  regarding  the  ancestry  of  David,  giv- 
ing only  the  names  of  his  father  and  of  his  brothers;6 
this  lack  the  book  of  Ruth  is  intended  to  supply.  The 
information  furnished  here  would  be  of  special  interest 
because  Ruth  was  not  a  native  of  Judah  but  a  member 
of  a  hostile  people,  Moab.  2.  The  story  was  told  to  com- 

6  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  290. 
8  I  Sam.  16.  1-13. 

190 


THE  BOOK  OF  RUTH 

mend  the  so-called  levirate  marriage.7  3.  The  book  was 
written  and  circulated  as  a  protest. against  the  prohibition 
of  mixed  marriages  in  the  days  of  Ezra-Nehemiah.8 

The  first  answer  undoubtedly  explains  the  rise  of  the 
story  in  its  original  form.  That  it  rests  upon  an  historical 
basis  may  be  inferred  from  i  Sam.  22.  3,  4,  where  it  is 
stated  that  David  committed  his  father  and  mother  to 
the  care  of  the  king  of  Moab.  Moreover,  it  would  be 
exceedingly  difficult,  in  the  face  of  Hebrew  exclusiveness 
and  bigotry,  to  explain  the  invention  of  a  Moabitish 
ancestress  for  the  great  national  hero,  David.9  But  the 
acceptance  of  the  story  as  substantially  historical  does 
not  exclude  the  possibility  of  the  book  in  its  present  form 
having  been  written  or  published  at  a  certain  time  for  a 
specific  didactic  purpose,  as  is  suggested  in  answers  2 
and  3.  However,  it  is  very  doubtful  that  the  aim  was  to 
commend  the  levirate  marriage.  In  the  first  place,  the 
marriage  of  Ruth  and  Boaz  was  not  a  levirate  marriage 
at  all,  for  neither  Boaz  nor  the  other  kinsman  was  Ruth's 
brother-in-law.  And  though  this  may  not  be  an  insuper- 
able objection — for  the  marriage  of  Ruth  to  Boaz  might 
be  considered  a  legitimate  extension  of  the  principle  of 
the  levirate  marriage,  which  was  established  for  the  pur- 
pose of  perpetuating  the  dead  man's  name — when  the 
story  is  taken  as  a  whole  it  becomes  evident  that  the  mar- 
riage, though  it  occupies  considerable  space  in  the  narra- 
tive, is,  after  all,  only  a  subordinate  incident.  Moreover, 

7  That  is,  the  marriage  of  a  widow  to  the  deceased  husband'-s  brother, 
to  perpetuate  the  name  of  the  deceased,  Gen.  38.  8;  Deut.  25.  5,  6. 
Since  Boaz  was  not  the  brother-in-law  of  Ruth,  it  has  been  suggested 
that  in  this  case  it  is  only  the  marriage  of  a  widow  to  the  next-of-kin 
that  is  encouraged. 

8  Ezra,  Chapters  9  and  10;  Neh.  13.  23-29. 

•  H.  L.  Strack,  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  p.  142. 

191 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

there  is  no  indication  that  the  first  born  was  recognized 
as  the  son  of  Ruth's  first  husband,  as  would  have  been 
required  by  the  levirate  law. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  the  book  could  be  dated  in  con- 
nection with  the  reform  movement  under  Ezra-Nehe- 
miah,  it  might  well  be  interpreted  as  a  protest  against 
the  narrow  exclusiveness  advocated  by  these  reformers; 
the  book  would  then  be  of  the  greatest  significance  in  the 
religious  history  of  Israel,  for  it  would  take  its  stand  by 
the  side  of  the  book  of  Jonah  as  teaching  the  universality 
of  the  divine  interest  and  love.  The  significance  which 
this  interpretation  gives  to  the  book  is  admirably  set  forth 
by  McFadyen  in  these  words :  "It  was  in  all  probability 
the  dignified  answer  of  a  man  of  prophetic  instincts  to 
the  vigorous  measures  of  Ezra,  who  demanded  the  di- 
vorce of  all  foreign  women ;  for  it  can  hardly  be  doubted 
that  there  is  a  delicate  polemic  in  the  repeated  designation 
of  Ruth  as  the  Moabitess,  i.  22;  2.  2,  6,  21 ;  4.  5,  10 — she 
even  calls  herself  'the  stranger'  in  2.  10.  It  would  be 
pleasant  to  think  that  the  writer  had  himself  married  one 
of  these  foreign  women.  In  any  case  he  champions  their 
cause  riot  only  with  generosity  but  with  insight;  for  he 
knows  that  some  of  them  have  faith  enough  to  adopt 
Israel's  God  as  their  God,  i.  16,  and  that  even  a  Moabitess 
may  be  an  Israelite  indeed.  Ezra's  severe  legislation  was 
inspired  by  the  worthy  desire  to  preserve  Israel's  religion 
from  the  peril  of  contagion:  the  author  of  Ruth  gently 
teaches  that  the  foreign  woman  is  not  an  inevitable  peril ; 
she  may  be  loyal  to  Israel  and  faithful  to  Israel's  God. 
The  writer  dares  to  represent  the  Moabitess  as  eating 
with  the  Jews,  2.  14 — winning  by  her  ability,  resource, 
and  affection,  the  regard  of  all,  and  counted  by  God 
worthy  to  be  the  mother  of  Israel's  greatest  king.  The 

192 


THE  BOOK  OF  RUTH 

generous  type  of  religion  represented  by  the  book  of  Ruth 
is  a  much  needed  and  very  attractive  complement  to  the 
stern  legislation  of  Ezra."10 

Date  and  Authorship.  Jewish  tradition  credits  Samuel 
with  the  authorship  of  the  book  of  Ruth;11  but  this  is 
nothing  but  a  guess.  The  book  itself  contains  no  definite 
indication  regarding  its  date  or  the  sources  from  which 
its  information  was  derived;  and  the  few  more  or  less 
indefinite  data  are  ambiguous,  if  not  conflicting.  Clearly, 
the  book  in  its  present  form  cannot  be  earlier  than  the 
age  of  David;12  and  the  general  impression  made  is  that 
it  was  written  long  after  his  time.  There  is  no  reference 
to  his  brothers ;  evidently,  the  heroic  king  had  completely 
overshadowed  them  in  popular  thought.  The  period  of 
the  Judges  seems  to  be  in  the  distant  past,  for  the  point 
of  view  reflected  in  i.  i  is  that  of  the  Deuteronomic 
reviser  of  the  narratives,  who  represents  the  Judges  as 
exercising  authority  over  the  whole  of  Israel.13  The 
custom  of  throwing  away  the  shoe,  connected  with  the 
levirate  marriage,14  is  spoken  of  as  obsolete  in  the  writer's 
day;15  moreover,  it  differs  from  the  practice  described 
in  Deuteronomy.  There  are  also  a  few  linguistic  charac- 
teristics pointing  to  a  late  date,  but  these  are  confined 
to  a  few  passages  which  for  other  reasons  are  considered 
additions  to  the  original  story.16  The  fact  that  the  book 


10  J.  E.  McFadyen,  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  293. 

11  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  p.  86. 

12  Compare  4.  17-22. 

13  See  Volume  II  in  this  series  of  Introductions,  soon  to  be  published, 
chapter  on  "Book  of  Judges." 

14  Deut.  25.  9,  10. 
16  Ruth  4.  7. 

16  See  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament, 
p.  455- 

193 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

belongs  to  the  third  division  of  the  Jewish  canon  instead 
of  the  second,  with  the  book  of  Judges,  is  also  thought  by 
some  to  favor  a  postexilic  date.  However,  this  argument 
has  little  weight,  for  the  book  of  Judges,  like  Ruth,  did 
not  receive  its  final  form  until  after  the  exile ;  and  there 
is  no  evidence  to  show  that  date  of  origin  was  a  determin- 
ing factor  in  assigning  books  to  the  second  or  third  divi- 
sion of  the  Jewish  canon.17  All  these  arguments  are  in- 
conclusive; and  over  against  the  few  late  linguistic 
characteristics  stands  the  undeniable  fact  that  the  general 
style  of  the  story  has  all  the  characteristics  of  pure  classi- 
cal Hebrew  as  found  in  the  early  portions  of  the  books 
of  Samuel  and  Kings. 

In  the  presence  of  this  conflicting  evidence  it  is  not 
strange  that  the  book  should  have  been  dated  in  preexilic, 
exilic,  and  postexilic  times.  The  view  which  on  the  whole 
furnishes  the  most  satisfactory  explanation  of  all  the 
facts  in  the  case  is  that  the  present  book  was  preceded  by 
a  preexilic  narrative  of  Ruth  and  her  marriage  to  Boaz, 
which  embodied  traditions  that  had  been  handed  down 
orally  for  many  generations.  In  the  days  of  Ezra-Nehe- 
miah,  and  under  the  influence  of  their  reform  efforts,  a 
prophetic  writer,  with  a  clear  vision  of  the  all-inclusive 
love  of  God,  saw  the  didactic  possibilities  of  this  early 
narrative ;  in  order  to  make  it  even  more  suitable  for  his 
purpose  he  may  have  revised  it,  idealized  some  of  the 
characters  and  scenes,  and  added  the  verses  which  do 
not  seem  to  have  been  a  part  of  the  original  story;18  then 

17  Except  in  cases  where  the  books  were  not  written  until  after  the 
completion  of  the  second  canon;  but  the  second  canon  was  not  formed 
until  long  after  the  days  of  Ezra-Nehemiah,  to  which  the  book  of  Ruth 
is  assigned. 

18  i.  i;  4.  7,  18-22.    These  are  the  portions  which  contain  the  most 
pronounced  late  characteristics. 

194 


THE  BOOK  OF  RUTH 

he  sent  forth  the  story  of  Ruth  in  its  present  form  as  a 
protest  against  the  narrow,  exclusive  tendencies  of  the 
age.19  This  view  as  to  the  origin  of  the  book  preserves 
substantially  the  historical  character  of  the  narrative, 
explains  the  presence  of  the  preexilic  and  postexilic  ele- 
ments, and  furnishes  a  satisfactory  interpretation  of  the 
object  and  aim  of  what  Goethe  has  characterized  as  the 
loveliest  little  idyl  that  tradition  has  transmitted  to  the 
present  age. 

19  The  view  of  Budde,  Zeitschrift  fuer  AlttestamentUche  Wissenschaft, 
1892,  pp.  37ff.,  that  the  book  of  Ruth  was  at  one  time  a  part  of  the 
"commentary  (Midrash)  of  the  book  of  kings,"  mentioned  in  2  Chron. 
24.  27,  while  possible,  cannot  be  substantiated. 


195 


CHAPTER  VIII 
THE  BOOK  OF  LAMENTATIONS 


CHAPTER  VIII 
THE  BOOK  OF  LAMENTATIONS 

Name.  The  usual  Hebrew  name  is  simply  Ekhah, 
which  means  "How,"  from  the  opening  word  of  the 
book;  but,  influenced  by  the  contents,  the  Talmud  gives 
it  also  the  name  Kinoth,  which  may  be  translated 
"Lamentations,"  or  "Dirges."  From  this  is  derived  the 
Septuagint  designation  tipijvoi,  Threnoi,  a  word  having 
the  same  meaning,  to  which  is  sometimes  added  "of 
Jeremiah."  The  Greek  name  is  reproduced  in  the  Vul- 
gate as  Threni,  and  translated  into  English  as  "Lamenta- 
tions" or  the  fuller  "Lamentations  of  Jeremiah."  The 
term  IZmoth  is  commonly  applied  to  dirges  over  deceased 
individuals;1  but  it  is  also  used  with  reference  to  the 
overthrow  of  cities  or  nations.2  The  latter  usage  is  com- 
mon in  the  book  of  Lamentations,  especially  in  chapters 
I,  2,  and  4,  which  consist  largely  of  dirges  over  the  down- 
fall of  Judah  and  Jerusalem. 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  of  Lamentations 
consists  of  five  independent  poems,  all  centering,  though 
in  different  ways,  around  one  common  theme:  the 
calamities  that  befell  the  people  of  Judah,  and  especially 
of  Jerusalem,  during  the  siege  and  subsequent  capture 
of  the  holy  city.  Chapters  i,  2,  and  4  are  in  the  nature 


*2  Sam.  i.  17-27;  3.  ii. 

2  Amos  5.  2;  Ezek.  26.  17,  18. 

199 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

of  dirges  over  the  death  of  the  city  and  nation  in  B.  C. 
586,  while  chapter  3  describes  the  sufferings  endured  by 
the  poet  and  his  compatriots  in  the  course  of  this  calamity. 
These  sufferings  are  traced  to  the  anger  of  Yahweh, 
aroused  by  the  sins  of  the  people,  but  the  knowledge  of 
Yahweh's  loving-kindness  inspires  a  hope  that  the  suffer- 
ings will  not  continue  forever.  Chapter  5  is  a  prayer : 
after  lamenting  the  sorrows  and  sufferings  of  the  people, 
due  to  their  own  sins  as  well  as  to  the  sins  of  their 
fathers,  the  author,  representing  the  community,  prays 
for  speedy  deliverance. 

I.  MISERY  AND  DESOLATION  OF  JERUSALEM  (i.  1-22) 

1.  Solitariness  and  desertion  of  Jerusalem  (i.  i-n). 

2.  Severity  and  justice  of  the  affliction  (i.  12-19). 

3.  Prayer  for  retribution  upon  her  enemies  (i.  20-22). 

II.  THE  ANGER  OF  YAHWEH  THE  CAUSE  OF  JERUSALEM'S  RUIN 
(2.  1-22) 

1.  Suffering  and  affliction  a  divine  judgment   (2.  i-io). 

2.  Depth  of  distress  and  despair  (2.  11-17). 

3.  Prayer  for  deliverance   (2.  18-22). 

III.  HOPE  OF  RELIEF  THROUGH  DIVINE  LOVING-KINDNESS  (3.  1-66) 

1.  Lament  of  the  people  (3.  1-20).  , 

2.  Yahweh's  loving-kindness  the  basis  of  hope  (3.  21-39). 

3.  Prayer  of  confession  and  penitence  (3.  40-54). 

4.  Prayer  for  vengeance  (3.  55-66). 

IV.  SORROWS  AND  HORRORS  OF  THE  SIEGE  (4.  1-22). 

1.  Distress  of  the  people  (4.  i-n). 

2.  Faithlessness  of  the  religious  leaders  (4.  12-16). 

3.  Utter  hopelessness  of  the  situation   (4.  17-20). 

4.  Doom  of  the  Edomites   (4.  21,  22). 

V.  PRAYER  FOR  MERCY  AND  DELIVERANCE  (5.  1-22) 

1.  Miseries  of  the  exiles  (5.  1-18). 

2.  Prayer  for  speedy  deliverance  (5.  19-22). 

200 


THE  BOOK  OF  LAMENTATIONS 

Literary  Form.  The  first  four  poems  are  arranged  as 
alphabetic  acrostics.3  In  chapters  i  and  2  each  stanza 
consists  of  three  long  lines,  the  characteristic  letter  mark- 
ing the  beginning  of  each  successive  stanza.  In  chapter 
3  each  of  three  successive  lines  begins  with  the  same 
letter.4  The  stanzas  in  chapter  4  consist  of  two  lines 
each,  the  characteristic  letter  marking  the  beginning  of 
each  couplet.  Chapter  5  agrees  with  chapter  4  in  having 
two-line  stanzas.  The  order  of  the  letters  in  chapter  I 
differs  in  one  respect  from  that  in  the  three  succeeding 
chapters :  in  the  former  y  precedes  g,  as  is  the  case  in 
the  modern  arrangement  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet;  in  the 
others  £  precedes  y. 5 

Chapters  1-4  are  in. the  Kinah  meter;6  indeed,  it  was 
the  study  of  Lamentations  that  led  to  the  discovery  of 
the  Kinah  verse.  The  consistent  use  of  this  particular 
meter  and  the  alphabetic  arrangement  of  the  verses  make 
it  clear  that  the  poems  were  "constructed  with  conscious 
art :  they  are  not  the  unstudied  effusions  of  natural  emo- 
tion, they  are  carefully  elaborated  poems,  in  which  every 
trait  which  might  stir  a  chord  of  sorrow  or  regret  is 


3  Chapter  5  is  not  arranged  alphabetically;  it  is  noteworthy,  however, 
that  it  consists  of  twenty-two  stanzas,  the  number  of  letters  in  the 
Hebrew  alphabet.    Perhaps  the  author,  or  compiler,  of  the  book  meant 
to  form  another  acrostic,  but  after  composing  or  compiling  the  right 
number  of  stanzas  he  was  prevented  by  death  or  otherwise  from  carry- 
ing out  his  original  purpose. 

4  So  far  as  the  thought  is  concerned,  the  alphabetic  arrangement  of 
Chapter  3  is  altogether  arbitrary.     Sometimes  the  break  in  thought 
occurs  within  a  group  of  verses  beginning  with  the  same  letter  of  the 
Hebrew  alphabet. 

6  Does  this  difference  point  to  diversity  of  authorship?  It  is  not 
quite  clear  whether  there  was  a  time  when  S  regularly  preceded  3,  or 
whether  there  was  a  time  when  the  order  was  not  definitely  fixed. 

6  See  above,  pp.  22,  23. 

201 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

brought  together,  for  the  purpose  of  completing  the  pic- 
ture of  woe."7 

Date  and  Authorship.  In  the  English  Bible  the  book 
of  Lamentations,  entitled  "The  Lamentations  of  Jere- 
miah," follows  the  book  of  Jeremiah,  in  harmony  with 
the  common  Jewish  and  Christian  tradition  that  the 
prophet  Jeremiah  is  the  author  of  the  book.8  This  tradi- 
tion is  very  early.  The  full  title,  "Lamentations  of  Jere- 
miah," is  found  in  the  Sinaitic  MS.  of  the  Septuagint,9 
and  in  the  Syriac10  and  Latin  versions.  The  tradition 
may  be  traced  even  to  pre-Christian  times,  for  it  is  found 
not  only  in  the  Jewish  Fathers  and  the  Talmud,  but  also 
in  the  Targums11  and  in  the  Septuagint  translation  of 
the  book.  The  latter  has  at  the  head  of  the  first  chapter 
this  statement :  "And  it  came  to  pass  after  Israel  had  been 
led  captive  and  Jerusalem  made  desolate,  that  Jeremiah 
sat  down  weeping  and  lamented  this  lamentation  over 
Jerusalem,  and  said."  While  it  is  uncertain  whether  the 
singular  "this  lamentation"  should  be  interpreted  as  re- 
ferring to  the  whole  book  or  only  to  the  poem  in  chapter 
I,  the  translators  evidently  meant  to  connect  the  prophet 
Jeremiah  with  at  least  some  of  the  contents  of  the  book. 
In  the  same  direction  points  the  Septuagint  grouping  of 
Lamentations  with  other  books  connected  with  Jeremiah ; 

7  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament, 

P-  459- 

8  The  conception  of  Jeremiah  as  the  weeping  prophet  is  based  largely 
on  the  assumption  that  he  is  the  author  of  Lamentations. 

9  Written  in  the  fourth  century  A.  D.;  the  Vatican  MS.,  also  of  the 
fourth  century,  and  numerous  other  MSS.  of  the  Septuagint,  have  the 
shorter  title. 

10  Probably  to  be  dated  in  the  second  century  A.  D. 

11  Aramaic  translations  or  paraphrases  of  the  Old  Testament.  Though 
these  did  not  reach  their  final  form  until  some  centuries  after  the  open- 
ing of  the  Christian  era,  they  embody  pre-Christian  material. 

202 


THE  BOOK  OF  LAMENTATIONS 

but  the  date  of  this  arrangement  cannot  be  definitely 
fixed.12 

What  are  the  facts  in  the  case?  The  Hebrew  text  of 
Lamentations  contains  no  statement  regarding  the  au- 
thorship of  the  book,  nor  does  the  Hebrew  text  of  the 
rest  of  the  Old  Testament  furnish  direct  information  on 
the  subject.  Moreover,  the  Hebrew  Bible,  unlike  the 
Greek,  or  Latin,  or  English,  does  not  place  the  book 
after  the  prophecies  of  Jeremiah,  but  in  the  third  division 
of  the  canon,  called  the  Writings,  where  it  forms  one 
of  the  five  Megillotk,  or  Rolls,13  Lamentations  being 
read  on  the  ninth  day  of  Ab,  the  day  on  which  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  was  commemorated.  In  the 
absence  of  all  early  external  evidence  the  tradition  must 
be  tested  by  the  internal  evidence  presented  in  the  book. 
Now,  while  there  have  been  those  who  believed  that  the 
internal  evidence  favored  tradition,  it  is  not  without 
significance  that  depending  almost  exclusively  on  this 
internal  evidence,  modern  scholarship,  with  practical 
unanimity,  has  declared  against  the  traditional  view  that 

12  The  statement  in  2  Chron.  35.  25  to  the  effect  that  "Jeremiah 
lamented  for  Josiah"  and  that  lamentations  for  Josiah  were  embodied 
in  "the  lamentations"  is  interpreted  by  some  as  implying  a  belief  on 
the  part  of  the  Chronicler  that  Jeremiah  wrote  at  least  some  of  the 
dirges  in  the  canonical  book.    If  this  interpretation  could  be  accepted 
it  would  mean  that  the  tradition  concerning  Jeremiah's  authorship  of 
Lamentations  was  current  at  least  as  early  as  B.  C.  300;  that  is,  less 
than  three  centuries  after  the  close  of  Jeremiah's  activity.    However, 
this  interpretation  of  the  Chronicles  passage  is  exceedingly  doubtful. 
In  the  first  place,  no  lamentation  in  the  canonical  book  has  for  its 
subject  King  Josiah;  moreover,  the  verse  itself,  interpreted  naturally, 
does  not  imply  that  the  lamentation  uttered  by  Jeremiah  was  included 
in  "the  lamentations";  nor  is  it  clear  that  the  latter  expression  refers 
to  the  canonical  book.     Hence  the  passage  in  Chronicles  throws  no 
light  on  the  authorship  of  the  book  of  Lamentations. 

13  See  above,  p.  165. 

203 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

Jeremiah  is  the  author  of  Lamentations  in  whole  or  in 
part.14 

The  principal  arguments  drawn  from  internal  evidence 
both  for  and  against  the  traditional  view  may  be  grouped 
as  follows:15 

I.  Evidence  Thought  to  Favor  Jeremiah  as  the  Author. 
( i )  Lamentations  reveals  the  same  sensitive  temper  as  is 
reflected  in  the  book  of  Jeremiah;  its  author  is  profoundly 
sympathetic  in  national  sorrow  and  is  ready  to  pour  forth 
his  emotions  without  restraint.16  (2)  In  the  two  books 
national  calamities  are  traced  to  the  same  causes,  such  as 
national  sin,17  the  faithlessness  of  prophets  and  priests,18 
and  misplaced  confidence  in  weak  and  treacherous  allies.19 
(3)  The  two  books  contain  similar  figures,  ideas,  and 
expressions.  For  instance,  both  books  speak  of  the  virgin 
daughter  of  Zion  as  broken  with  an  incurable  breach;20 
the  speaker's  eyes  are  said  to  be  flowing  down  with 
water;21  terrors  are  said  to  be  on  every  side;22  there  is 
the  same  appeal  for  vengeance  to  the  righteous  judge23 


14  A  generation  or  more  ago  K.  F.  Keil,  always  conservative,  labored 
valiantly  to  maintain  the  traditional  view,  while  Thenius  sought  to 
save  at  least  Chapters  2  and  4  for  Jeremiah;  but  they  have  few,  if  any, 
adherents  among  careful  Old  Testament  students  to-day. 

15  Compare  also  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old 
Testament,  pp.  461-464. 

16  Compare  with  Lamentations  especially  Jer.  14  and  15. 

17  Compare  Lam.  I.  5,  8,  14,  18;  3.  42;  4.  6,  22;  5.  7,  16  with  Jer. 
14.  7;  16.  10-12;  17.  1-3,  etc. 

18  Compare,  for  example,  Lam.  2.  14;  4.  13-15  with  Jer.  2.  7,  8;  5.  31; 
14.  13;  23.  11-40,  etc. 

"Compare,  for  example,  Lam.  I.  2,  19;  4.  17  with  Jer.  2.  18,  36; 
30.  14;  37.  5-10. 

20  Compare,  for  example,  Lam.  i.  15;  2.  12  with  Jer.  8.  21,  22;  14.  17. 

21  Lam.  I.  16;  2.  11,  18;  3.  4,  8,  49  and  Jer.  9.  i,  18;  13.  17;  14.  17 

22  Lam.  2.  22  and  Jer.  6.  25;  20.  10. 

23  Lam.  3.  64-66  and  Jer.  n.  20. 

204 


THE  BOOK  OF  LAMENTATIONS 

and  expectation  of  desolation  for  the  nations  that  rejoiced 
in  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.24  (4)  Attention  is 
further  called  to  numerous  other  expressions  found  in 
both  books.  Among  these  the  more  striking  are :  "Among 
all  her  lovers  she  hath  none  to  comfort  her"  and  "All  thy 
lovers  have  forgotten  thee"  ;25  the  detailed  description  of 
Jerusalem's  awful  condition;26  the  references  to  women 
eating  their  own  children;27  the  author's  description  of 
himself  as  a  derision  or  laughingstock;28  the  use  of  the 
terms  "bitterness,"  "wormwood,"  "gall";29  of  "fear," 
"pit,"  "snare;"  30  of  "chase"  and  "hunt";31  the  figures 
of  the  cup  of  judgment,32  and  of  the  falling  down  of  the 
crown.33 

2.  Evidence  Thought  to  Militate  Against  Authorship 
of  Jeremiah.  ( i )  The  variation  in  the  alphabetic  order, 
which  may  indicate  that  the  poems  do  not  all  come  from 
one  and  the  same  author.34  (2)  The  two  books  reveal 
such  striking  differences  in  point  of  view  that  it  is  difficult 
to  believe  that  one  and  the  same  author  is  responsible  for 
both.  For  instance,  (a)  The  complaints  and  prayers  for 
retribution  in  Lamentations35  do  not  read  as  if  they  came 
from  the  prophet  who  considered  the  Chaldeans  instru- 


24  Lam.  4.  21  and  Jer.  49.  12. 

25  Lam.  i.  2  and  Jer.  30.  14. 

26  Lam.  I.  8,  9  and  Jer.  13.  22,  26. 
2r  Lam.  2.  20;  4.  10  and  Jer.  19.  9. 

28  Lam.  3.  14  and  Jer.  20.  7. 

29  Lam.  3.  15,  19  and  Jer.  9.  15;  23.  15. 

30  Lam.  3.  47  and  Jer.  48.  43. 

31  Lam.  3.  52  and  Jer.  16.  16. 

32  Lam.  4.  21  and  Jer.  25.  15;  49.  12. 

33  Lam.  5.  16  and  Jer.  13.  18. 

34  The  order  in  Chapter  i  differs  from  that  in  Chapters  2,  3,  and  4; 
see  above,  p.  201. 

35^Lam.  i.  20-22;  3.  59-66. 

205 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

ments  in  the  hands  of  Yahweh.36  (b)  The  author's 
lament  over  the  fate  of  king,  princes,  and  prophets  is 
hardly  consistent  with  utterances  regarding  the  same 
classes  in  the  book  of  Jeremiah.37  (c)  The  author  of 
Lamentations  looked  to  the  last  for  outside  help,  while 
Jeremiah  had  no  thought  that  any  outside  nation  would 
save  Jerusalem.38  (d)  Is  it  probable  that  the  two  esti- 
mates of  king  Zedekiah39  came  from  the  same  person? 
(e)  It  is,  to  say  the  least,  doubtful  that  Jeremiah  would 
admit  that  the  sufferings  of  his  contemporaries  were  due 
to  the  sins  of  their  fathers.40  (3)  There  are  significant 
differences  in  vocabulary.  It  cannot  be  mere  accident, 
for  instance,  that  the  unusual  relative  she,  never  used  by 
Jeremiah,  is  used  several  times  in  the  short  book  of 
Lamentations  ;41  or  that  the  term  Adonai,  "Lord,"  is  used 
fourteen  times  in  Lam.  1-3,  while  Jeremiah  never  uses  it 
by  itself,  but  only  in  combination  with  Yahweh.42  (4) 
The  allusions  in  Lam.  5.  18-20  seem  to  imply  that  these 
verses  were  written  a  considerable  time  after  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem  in  B.  C.  586 ;  in  other  words,  the  con- 
tents point  to  a  period  later  than  that  of  Jeremiah.  (5) 
Though  it  is  impossible  to  prove  that  the  author  is  de- 
pendent on  Ezekiel,  passages  like  Lam.  2.  14  and  4.  20  may 


36  For  example,  Jer.  25.  i-n.    Would  Jeremiah  be  so  overcome  by 
the  thought  that  Yahweh  had  turned  against  his  people?     Compare 
Lam.  2.  iff. 

37  Compare  Lam.  2.  6-14  with  Jer.  23.  9-40  and  24.  8-10. 

38  Compare  Lam.  4.  17  with  Jer.  37.  6-10. 

39  Lam.  4.  20  and  Jer.  24.  8-10. 

40  Compare  Lam.  5.  7  with  Jer.  31.  29,  30. 

41  For  example,  Lam.  2.  15,  16;  4.  9;  5.  18. 

42  Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  1894,  PP-  3lff-J  com- 
pare also  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, p.  463. 

206 


THE  BOOK  OF  LAMENTATIONS 

imply  familiarity  with  the  writings  of  that  prophet.43  (6) 
Another  objection  is  expressed  by  McFadyen  in  these 
words :  "It  is  very  unlikely  that  one  who  was  so  sorely 
smitten  as  Jeremiah  by  the  unconsolable  sorrow  of  Jeru- 
salem would  have  expressed  his  grief  in  alphabetic 
elegies :  men  do  not  write  acrostics  when  their  hearts  are 
breaking."44 

It  can  easily  be  seen  that  the  evidence  outlined  in  the 
preceding  paragraphs  is  far  from  being  conclusive ;  never- 
theless, on  the  whole,  the  evidence  against  the  authorship 
of  Jeremiah  is  stronger  than  that  favoring  his  authorship. 
At  any  rate,  it  would  be  easier  to  explain  the  resemblances 
on  the  assumption  that  the  elegies  were  written  by  a  per- 
son or  persons  other  than  Jeremiah  than  to  explain  the 
marked  differences  on  the  assumption  that  the  book  of 
Lamentations  was  written  by  the  author  of  the  book  of 
Jeremiah. 

Modern  scholarship  not  only  denies  that  Jeremiah  is 
the  author  of  Lamentations;  it  goes  even  farther  and  is 
almost  unanimous  in  denying  the  unity  of  the  book. 
W.  R.  Smith  was,  perhaps,  the  last  to  argue  strongly  in 
favor  of  one  author;45  Driver,  who  in  the  earlier  editions 
of  his  Introduction  wrote,  "The  opinion  that  the  author 
is  throughout  the  same  has,  perhaps,  on  the  whole,  prob- 
ability in  its  favor ;  but  the  criteria  at  our  disposal  do  not 
authorize  us  to  pronounce  dogmatically  upon  either 
side,"46  is  quite  ready  to  admit,  in  the  latest  edition,  that 

43  Compare  Ezek.  19.  2ff.;  22.  28;  see  also  C.  H.  Cornill,  Einleitung 
in  das  Alte  Testament,  p.  247.    Some  have  claimed  that  they  have  dis- 
covered also  evidence  of  familiarity  with  Isa.  4Off.,  but  this  is  less 
clear. 

44  J.  E.  McFadyen,  An  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  296. 

45  Article  "Lamentations"  in  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  ninth  ed. 

46  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  465. 

207 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

the  poems  may  not  come  from  one  and  the  same  author.47 
Again,  the  evidence  may  not  be  absolutely  conclusive ;  at 
the  same  time  the  book  presents  some  phenomena  which 
find  a  more  natural  interpretation  on  the  assumption  that 
the  book  consists  of  poems  coming  from  different  au- 
thors: (i)  The  difference  in  the  order  of  the  letters  of 
the  Hebrew  alphabet;48  (2)  the  difference  in  the  length 
of  the  stanzas,  and  in  the  placing  of  the  characteristic 
letter  of  the  alphabet;49  (3)  the  description  in  chapters 
2  and  4  is  much  more  vivid  than  in  chapters  1,3,  and  5, 
which  may  indicate  an  earlier  date  or  earlier  dates  for  the 
poems  in  chapters  2  and  4. 

If  there  is  diversity  of  authorship,  the  dates  of  the 
individual  poems  are  not  easily  determined.50  In  view 
of  the  vivid  descriptions  in  chapters  2  and  4  these  two 
poems  might  be  assigned  to  about  B.  C.  570;  they  are 
probably  the  work  of  one,  or  perhaps,  two  men  who 
passed  through  the  distressing  experiences  of  the  siege 
and  capture  of  Jerusalem,  or,  at  least,  who  lived  near 
enough  to  the  calamity  to  feel  its  full  weight.  Chapter  3, 
on  account  of  its  highly  artificial  structure  and  its  pro- 
nounced didactic  tone,  is  generally  considered  the  latest 
of  the  five  poems,  to  be  dated  about  B.  C.  325,  or  even 
later.51  Opinions  differ  widely  regarding  the  date  of 
chapter  i  ;52  on  the  whole,  however,  a  date  shortly  before 


47  Revised  Edition,  same  page. 

48  See  above,  pp.  201. 

49  See  above,  p.  201. 

60  Almost  every  independent  investigator  reaches  conclusions  which 
differ  from  those  of  his  predecessors. 

61  Compare  C.  Steuernagel,  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  p.  761. 

62  For  example,  Loehr,  about  530,  Budde,  not  earlier  than  430,  Driver, 
soon  after  586.    Chapter  i  is  probably  dependent  upon  Chapter  2,  but 
there  is  no  need  for  making  it  very  much  later. 

208 


THE  BOOK  OF  LAMENTATIONS 

the  return  under  Cyrus  seems  to  satisfy  best  the  internal 
evidence.53  To  the  same  general  period  must  be  assigned 
chapter  5.  While  considerable  evidence  may  be  adduced 
in  support  of  the  dates  here  suggested,  still  it  may  be  wise 
to  admit  the  justice  of  Selbie's  statement :  "On  this  sub- 
ject criticism  has  not  yet  spoken  the  last  word/'54 

Nothing  is  known  regarding  the  time  when  the  indi- 
vidual poems  were  brought  together  to  form  the  present 
book.  It  has  been  suggested  that  at  first,  about  the  time 
of  Nehemiah,  a  collection  was  formed  consisting  of 
Chapters  i,  2,  and  4;  and  that  subsequently,  about  B.  C. 
300,  Chapters  3  and  5  were  added  by  the  author  of  the 
poem  in  Chapter  3 ;  but  no  certainty  can  be  had  on  this 
point. 

Significance.  The  book  of  Lamentations  is  of  interest 
and  value  because  it  furnishes  a  vivid  and,  in  some  cases 
at  least,  a  contemporaneous  picture  of  the  thoughts  and 
emotions  aroused  by  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  the  survivors 
of  that  catastrophe.  No  doubt  the  faith  of  some  was 
shattered;  but  there  were  many  others  who  remained 
loyal  to  their  God  and  who  were  convinced  that,  in  spite 
of  all  appearances  to  the  contrary,  Yahweh's  compassion 
and  loving-kindness  would  never  cease.  However,  these 
faithful  ones  were  also  persuaded  that  heartfelt  repent- 
ance must  precede  the  return  of  the  divine  favor.  This 
conviction  inspired  the  confessions  of  guilt,  exhortations 
to  repentance  and  prayers  for  mercy,  which  constitute 
such  an  important  element  in  the  book. 

53  Especially,  verses  3  and  4. 

64  Article  "Lamentations,"  in  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 


209 


CHAPTER  IX 
THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 


CHAPTER  IX 
THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 

Name.  The  Hebrew  name  of  the  book  called  Ecclesi- 
astes  in  English1  is  ^OP,  Koheleth,  in  form  a  feminine 
participle  of  the  verb  kahal,  which  is  a  derivative  from 
the  noun  fcahal,  which  may  be  translated  "an  assembly" ; 
the  verb,  therefore,  refers  to  some  activity  in  connection 
with  the  holding  of  an  assembly.  The  feminine  is  that 
of  official  status;  that  is,  it  is  a  designation  not  only  of 
an  office,  but  also  of  the  holder  of  an  office,  a  usage  not 
uncommon  in  Hebrew.2  The  exact  meaning  of  Koheleth 
is  uncertain ;  among  the  translations  proposed  are  "caller 
of  assemblies,"  "preacher,"  "debater,"  "great  orator," 
"ideal  teacher,"  "collector  of  wise  sayings."  W.  T.  Davi- 
son  suggests  that  a  combination  of  "debater"  and  "ideal 
teacher"  is  needed,  and  since  he  cannot  find  a  single  word 
expressing  the  full  meaning,  he  proposes  the  following 
definition  of  the  term :  one  officially  discharging  the  duties 
of  a  teacher  in  the  schools,  conducting  a  discussion  con- 
cerning grave  questions  of  faith  and  conduct  which  he 
desires  to  bring  to  satisfactory  issue.3  That  the  word 
contains  a  didactic  element  is  without  question,  for  the 
contents  of  the  book  clearly  show  that  the  author  aims 
to  impress  upon  the  listeners  and  readers  the  conclusions 

xThe  English  word  is  a  transliteration  of  the  Greek  ' ' 
which  is  retained  in  the  Vulgate, 

2  Gesenius-Kautzsch,  Hebrew  Grammar,  I22r. 

3  The  Wisdom  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  215. 

213 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

which  he  has  reached  on  the  basis  of  experience  and 
observation. 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  of  Ecclesiastes,  like 
the  book  of  Job,  represents  speculative  wisdom;4  but 
while  the  latter  deals  with  a  single  problem,  namely  the 
problem  of  suffering,5  Ecclesiastes  reflects  upon  life  as 
a  whole,  the  author  emphasizing  from  beginning  to  end 
the  emptiness  of  the  whole  of  human  life.  The  author 
evidently  had  passed  through  many  disappointments;  as 
a  result  his  spirit  had  grown  pessimistic  and  even  skepti- 
cal, and  he  had  reached  the  conclusion,  stated  both  at 
the  beginning6  and  near  the  close,7  that  all  is  vanity.  He 
seeks  to  establish  this  conclusion  by  appeal  to  various 
fields  of  human  interest  and  endeavor:  labor,  riches, 
pleasure,  honor,  and  even  search  for  wisdom  and  right- 
eousness fail  to  bring  satisfaction;  and  since  he  has  no 
clear  vision  of  a  life  after  death  he  can  find  no  consola- 
tion in  the  hope  of  immortality.  Over  against  these 
disappointing  experiences  stands  the  faith  of  his  fathers, 
that  the  affairs  of  this  world  are  ordered  by  a  holy  and 
righteous  God.  The  book  in  its  present  form  seems  to 
portray  the  struggle  between  this  faith  and  the  actual 
experiences  of  life,  a  struggle  which  ends  in  the  triumph 
of  faith. 

For  reasons  that  will  be  set  forth  in  the  next  section  it 
is  difficult  to  make  an  analysis  of  the  book;  nevertheless, 
at  least  a  general  outline  may  be  attempted.  The  book 
consists  of  a  prologue,  an  epilogue,  and,  between  the  two, 
the  main  discussion  in  four  parts.  The  prologue  states 


4  See  above,  p.  92. 
6  See  above,  pp.  132. 
•1.2. 
'  12.  8. 

214 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 

the  author's  contention,  the  epilogue  his  conclusion,  while 
the  main  discussion  is  intended  to  furnish  the  proof  of 
the  contention,  each  part  giving  the  result  of  an  experi- 
ment, or  of  a  group  of  efforts,  to  satisfy  the  yearnings  of 
the  human  heart. 

I.  THE  PROLOGUE — THE  AUTHOR'S  CONTENTION   (i.   i-n). 

On  the  assumption  that  there  is  no  life  after  death,  and  that, 
consequently  man's  deepest  longings  must  be  satisfied  in  this  life, 
the  author  declares  all  human  efforts  to  find  satisfaction  and  happi- 
ness to  be  in  vain. 

II.  PROOF  OF  THE  CONTENTION  (i.  12  to  12.  8) 

1.  Vanity  of  wisdom,  pleasure,  and  riches  (i.  12  to  2.  26). 

2.  Vanity  of  labor  and  industry  (3.  i  to  5.  20). 

Everything  is  foreordained;  death  is  preferable  to  a  life  spent 
in  vain  struggle  with  the  foreordained  order  of  things. 
Nothing  is  left,  therefore,  but  to  make  the  best  of  the  few 
fleeting  years  of  life  and  to  enjoy  them. 

3.  Vanity  of  wealth,  prudence,  and  righteousness  (6.  i  to  8.  15). 

Wealth  cannot  overrule  providence ;  common  sense  is  staggered 
when  it  beholds  the  inequalities  of  life.  There  is  no  solution 
of  the  mystery;  hence  eat,  drink,  and  be  merry. 

4.  Recapitulation  of  arguments  and  summing  up  of  the  findings 

(8.  16  to  12.  8). 

The  author  sees  no  prospect  of  ever  finding  satisfaction  in  this 
life,  for  man's  life  ends  as  it  begins,  in  vanity.  Therefore  let 
the  young  man  rejoice  in  his  youth,  yet  not  so  as  to  forget 
his  responsibility  to  his  Creator. 

III.  THE  EPILOGUE — CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS   (12.  9-14) 

1.  Aim  of  the  author— to  teach  words  of  truth  (12.  9,  10). 

2.  Sufficiency  of  the  book  (12.  n,  12). 

3.  Supreme  duty  of  man — Fear  God  and  keep  his  commandments 

(12.  13,  14). 

Is  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes  a  Unity?  The  imperfec- 
tions in  the  literary  form  of  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes  have 
long  been  recognized ;  and  Cheyne  expresses  the  consen- 
sus of  modern  scholarship  when  he  calls  the  book  "dis- 

215 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

jointed"  and  "rough/'8  There  are  frequent  breaks  in 
the  thought  and  not  a  few  apparent  inconsistencies.  The 
general  outlook  of  the  discussion  is  dark  and  gloomy, 
and  is  accurately  reflected  in  the  often  repeated,  "Vanity 
of  vanities,  all  is  vanity."  The  more  important  elements 
in  this  pessimistic  picture  are  well  summarized  by  Mc- 
Fadyen:  The  world  is  clearly  out  of  gear  and  there  is 
no  chance  for  improvement,  for  everything  is  unalterably 
fixed.9  Life  is  a  weary  round  of  contradictions,10  and  by 
reason  of  the  fixity  of  these  contradictions  all  human 
effort  is  in  vain.11  This  is  true  not  only  of  the  labor  for 
food  and  drink  or  riches,  but  also  of  the  search  for 
knowledge  and  wisdom;  not  only  of  the  physical  world 
but  of  the  moral  world  as  well.  There  is  no  goal  in 
nature  ;12  history  runs  on  and  runs  nowhere ;  all  effort  is 
swallowed  up  by  death.  Man  is  no  better  than  the 
beast;13  beyond  the  grave  there  is  nothing.  Everywhere 
is  disillusionment,  and  woman  is  the  bitterest  of  all.14 
The  moral  order  is  clearly  turned  upside  down;  wrong 
seems  to  be  on  the  throne;  Providence,  if  there  be  such 
a  thing,  seems  to  be  on  the  side  of  cruelty,  and  there  is 
no  one  to  comfort  the  oppressed.15  The  just  perish  and 
the  wicked  live  long;16  and,  in  general,  it  happens  to  the 
righteous  man  according  to  the  work  of  the  wicked  and 
to  the  wicked  according  to  the  work  of  the  righteous.17 

8  Job  and  Solomon,  p.  204. 

9  i.  15;  7-  13. 

10  3-  1-8. 

11  3-  9- 

12  I.  2-11. 

13  3.  19- 

14  7.  26. 

»4.  i. 

16  7-  IS- 

17  8.  14;  9.  2. 

2l6 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 

Surely,  to  be  dead  is  better  than  to  live  in  such  a  world  ;18 
yea,  it  is  better  not  to  have  been  born  at  all.19 

But  this  is  by  no  means  the  attitude  toward  life  in  all 
parts  of  the  book.  Intermingled  with  expressions  of 
hopelessness  are  some  of  brighter  hue:  "Truly  the  light 
is  sweet,  and  a  pleasant  thing  it  is  for  the  eyes  to  behold 
the  sun."20  In  some  cases  the  differences  amount  to 
actual  contradictions.  Over  against  the  thought  that 
there  is  nothing  better  than  to  eat,  drink,  and  have  a 
joyous  time  in  general,21  stands  the  assertion  that  it  is 
better  to  go  to  the  house  of  mourning  than  to  the  house 
of  feasting,22  or  the  summing  up  of  the  whole  discussion 
in  the  words :  "Fear  God,  and  keep  his  commandments."23 
According  to  3.  9  human  labor  is  useless,  because  all 
things  are  unalterably  fixed ;  in  other  words,  the  fixity  is 
deplored;  but  in  3.  n  it  is  called  "beautiful."  While 
several  passages  imply  a  belief  that  the  moral  order  is 
turned  upside  down,  there  are  others  which  recognize  the 
reality  of  a  righteous  administration  of  the  world :  the 
fate  of  the  righteous  is  not  the  same  as  that  of  the  wicked, 
for  it  is  well  with  him  who  fears  God  and  ill  with  the 
man  who  fears  him  not;24  moreover,  a  judgment  is  sure 
to  come,  both  to  the  righteous  and  to  the  wicked.25  It 
may  be  better  to  be  dead  than  to  be  alive,26  but  the  definite 
assertion  is  also  made  that  it  is  far  better  to  be  alive 


"4.2. 
"6.3. 
20 1 1.  7. 

21  2.  24. 

22  7.  2. 

23 12.  13;  compare  verse  I. 
2*  8.  12,  13. 

»  3.  17;  ".9;  12.  14. 
26  4-  2,  3« 

217 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

than  to  be  dead.27  The  search  for  wisdom,  like  the 
search  for  madness  and  folly,  is  striving  after  wind  ;28  on 
the  other  hand,  "wisdom  excelleth  folly,  as  far  as  light 
excelleth  darkness."29  Labor  is  a  burden  and  vanity,  for 
it  leads  nowhere;30  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  nothing 
better  than  that  a  man  should  rejoice  in  his  works.31  In 
addition  to  these  more  or  less  pronounced  contradictions 
the  disconnectedness  of  entire  sections32  and  the  fre- 
quency of  abrupt  transitions33  tend  to  break  up  the  con- 
tinuity and  unity  of  the  book. 

How  are  these  phenomena  to  be  explained?  (i)  In 
the  first  place,  it  has  been  suggested  that  the  book  has 
had  its  "disjointed"  form  from  the  beginning,  and  that 
the  disconnectedness  and  the  apparent  contradictions  are 
to  be  explained  on  the  assumption  that  the  book  records 
either  the  varying  moods  of  one  and  the  same  man,34  or 
the  opinions  of  two  or  more  disputants.  In  the  latter 
case,  the  book  might  perhaps  be  regarded  as  the  report 
of  a  discussion  held  in  a  religious  academy.35  A  still 
different  explanation  would  be  that  the  more  skeptical 
passages  are  the  sayings  of  an  infidel  objector,  quoted  by 
the  author  for  the  purpose  of  refuting  them.  The  com- 
mon element  in  these  views  is  the  assertion  that  the 
book  has  undergone  no  essential  alterations  since  it  was 

27  9-  4,  5- 
» i.  17,  18. 

29  2.  13. 
80  2.  22. 


31 


3-22. 


32  For  instance,  Chapter  10  looks  very  much  like  an  independent 
collection  of  proverbs,  not  an  integral  part  of  the  general  discussion. 

83  Compare,  for  example,  7.  19,  20. 

84  Compare  Tennyson's  Two  Voices. 

*«The  closing  verses,  12.  13,  14,  might  then  be  regarded  as  the  final 
word  or  conclusion  of  the  whole  discussion. 

218 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 

first  written.36  (2)  Other  scholars  believe  that  the 
breaks  are  too  abrupt  and  the  contradictions  too  pro- 
nounced to  be  accounted  for  on  the  theory  that  they  were 
in  the  original  work,  whatever  its  purpose  may  have 
been;  hence  they  have  searched  for  other  explanations. 
Thus  Bickel  has  sought  to  account  for  them  by  assuming 
that  the  leaves  of  the  book,  in  manuscript  form,  had 
become  disarranged,  through  some  accident,  and  that 
subsequently,  in  the  attempt  to  construct  a  coherent  whole 
out  of  the  disarranged  leaves,  editorial  additions  and 
changes  were  made,  which  only  increased  the  confusion.37 
Similarly,  Cheyne  has  suggested  that  Chapters  3-12  were 
compiled  from  loose  notes  after  the  author's  death.  (3) 
Still  other  scholars  are  dissatisfied  with  all  of  these  ex- 
planations. They  favor  the  view  that  the  confusion  has 
arisen  from  changes  and  interpolations  introduced  into 
the  original  work  by  one  or  more  editors,  in  a  desire  to 
correct  the  skeptical  tone  of  the  original  work.38 

In  the  absence  of  all  external  evidence  there  is  natu- 
rally wide  difference  of  opinion  regarding  the  number 
and  extent  of  these  interpolations.  Even  some  other- 
wise very  conservative  scholars  question  the  originality 
of  the  epilogue,39  or  at  least  of  the  closing  verses.40 

36  This  is  essentially  the  view  of  Nowack,  Plumptre,  Wildeboer,  Tyler, 
von  Baudissin,  Driver,  and  others. 

37  Compare   G.  Bickell,  Kohelets  Untersuchung  ueber  den  Werth  des 
Daseins. 

38  The  theory  of  C.  Siegfried  may  serve  as  an  illustration  of  the  inter- 
polation theory  in  its  more  extreme  form.    He  holds  that  there  were  at 
least  four  distinct  revisions:  at  first,  the  original  essentially  pessimistic 
work  was  interpolated  and  changed  by  an  Epicurean  Sadducee,  then 
by  a  "wisdom"  glossator,  then  by  a  "pious"  glossator,  and  finally  by 
other  glossators,  whose  work  cannot  be  individualized  (Prediger  und 
Hoheslied,  pp.  6ff.). 

»  12.  9-14. 

40  Verses  13,  14. 

219 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

Among  the  reasons  for  this  view  are  the  following :  ( i ) 
The  speaker,  who  speaks  throughout  the  rest  of  the  book 
in  the  first  person,  is  here  spoken  of  in  the  third;  (2)  the 
introduction  of  the  command  in  verse  13  is  rather  abrupt; 

(3)  nowhere  else  is  the  reader  addressed  as  "my  son";41 

(4)  and  most  important  of  all,  verse  13,  like  verse  la, 
emphasizes  godliness  in  a  manner  foreign  to  the  general 
spirit  of  the  book,  "whose  summum  bonum  is  the  discreet 
and  temperate  enjoyment  of  life."    Moreover,  while  the 
thought  of  the  closing  verses  is  not  necessarily  incom- 
patible with  the  rest  of  the  book,  it  certainly  cannot  be 
considered  a  summing  up  either  of  the  book  as  a  whole, 
or  of  the  "preacher's"  own  feelings.     In  the  words  of 
Driver:   "Chapter    12.    13   lays   stress  upon   a  thought 
implicit  in  the  teaching  of  the  book  but  disregards  that 
which  is  explicit."    Thus,  there  seems  to  be  good  reason 
for  the  same  writer's  conclusion:  "The  truth  is,  12.  13, 
14  can  be  vindicated  for  the  author  only  at  the  cost  of  an 
inconsistency."42 

Ideas  not  in  accord  with  what  seems  to  be  the  general 
thought  of  the  book  are -expressed  also  in  2.  26;  3.  17; 
7.  i8b,  26b,  29;  8.  2b,  3a,  5,  6a,  11-13;  XI-  9c;  I2«  Ia- 


41  Verse  12. 

42  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  478.  It  may 
well  be  that  the  sentiment  of  the  epilogue  was  at  least  in  part  respon- 
sible for  the  admission  of  the  book  into  the  canon;  but  there  is  insuffi- 
cient reason  for  the  assumption  that  the  verses  were  added  as  late  as 
the  Council  of  Jamnia,  about  A.  D.  90 — which  finally  determined  the 
extent  of  the  Jewish  canon — for  the  purpose  of  adapting  Ecclesiastes 
for  reception  into  the  canon  and  furnishing  a  suitable  close  for  the 
third  division  of  the  canon.    No  doubt  verse  I2a  might  be  rendered  so 
as  to  give  support  to  this  view:  "As  for  more  than  these — that  is,  the 
canonical  books — beware,  my  son";  but  the  reference  is  rather  to  books 
other  than  Ecclesiastes. 

220 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 

In  addition,  in  various  parts  of  the  book  proverbs  are 
found  which  seem  to  interrupt  the  continuity  of  the  main 
argument.43  Many  modern  scholars  consider  these  pas- 
sages, as  well  as  the  epilogue,  later  interpolations,  and 
there  is  a  growing  tendency  to  trace  them  to  at  least  two 
hands,  one  representing  orthodox  wisdom,  the  other, 
orthodox  religion.44 

In  the  nature  of  the  case,  one  cannot  speak  dogmatic- 
ally on  a  question  of  this  kind;  yet  on  the  whole  the 
presence  of  interpolations  can  hardly  be  doubted ;  at  any 
rate,  the  elimination  of  some  or  all  of  the  passages 
enumerated  removes  inconsistencies  which  are  quite  seri- 
ous and  leaves  a  connected  argument  that  can  readily  be 
understood  as  the  production  of  a  single  mind.  This 
does  not  mean,  however,  that  the  more  radical  interpola- 
tion theories  should  or  can  be  accepted  as  furnishing  the 
correct  solution  of  the  problem.  On  the  contrary,  "there 
is  no  necessity  of  supposing  that  more  than  two  hands 
have  made  additions  to  Ecclesiastes  since  it  left  the  hands 
of  Koheleth.  One  was  an  editor  deeply  interested  in  the 
wisdom  literature,  and  the  other  who  came  after  him, 
was  deeply  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the  Pharisees.  The 
first  edited  the  book  because  it  formed  an  important 
addition  to  the  wisdom  literature,  and  possibly,  too,  be- 
cause he  thought  it  a  work  of  Solomon.  The  second, 
finding  such  a  work  attributed,  as  he  supposed,  to  Solo- 
mon, added  his  glosses,  because  he  thought  it  wrong  that 
the  great  name  of  Solomon  should  not  support  the  ortho- 
dox doctrines  of  the  time.  The  material  added  by  these 


!    **  For  example,  4.  5,  9-12;  7.  4-6,  7-12,  19;  10.  1-3,  8-14,  etc. 

44  See  further,  J.  E.  McFadyen,  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament, 
p.  308;  G.  B.  Gray,  A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  151, 
152.  George  A.  Barton,  Ecclesiastes,  pp.  43ff. 

221 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

glossators  is,  however,  but  a  small  part  of  the  material 
in  the  book."45 

Date  and  Authorship.  From  the  days  of  the  Mid- 
rashim  and  the  Targums  to  long  after  the  period  of  the 
Reformation  the  title  in  i.  i,  "The  words  of  the  Preacher, 
the  son  of  David,  king  in  Jerusalem,"  were  almost  uni- 
versally interpreted,  both  among  Jews  and  Christians, 
as  implying  Solomonic  authorship.46  True,  Luther 
threw  out  a  suggestion  that  Solomon  was  not  the 
author,47  but  it  was  more  than  a  century  before  he  found 
any  followers.48  However,  beginning  with  the  latter 
part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  number  of  scholars 
denying  the  Solomonic  authorship  of  Ecclesiastes  steadily 
increased,  and  at  present  it  is  universally  admitted  that 
both  language  and  contents  make  it  impossible  to  believe 
that  Solomon  wrote  the  book. 

Modern  scholars  base  their  view  principally  upon  the 
following  considerations:  (i)  The  expression  in  I.  12, 
"I  was  king,"  seems  to  imply  that  the  author's  reign  was 
ended  when  he  wrote ;  Solomon  continued  as  king  to  the 
day  of  his  death.  (2)  The  author  contrasts  himself  with 
all  who  were  before  him  in  Jerusalem,  the  context  show- 


46  George  A.  Barton,  Ecclesiastes,  p.  46. 

46  Solomon  is  not  named,  but  the  son  of  David  who  was  king  in 
Jerusalem  can  be  no  other  than  Solomon,  who  was  renowned  for  his 
extraordinary  wisdom. 

47  He  says  in  his  Table  Talk:  "Solomon  himself  did  not  write  the 
book  of  Ecclesiastes,  but  it  was  produced  by  Sirach  at  the  time  of  the 
Maccabees.  ...  It  is  a  sort  of  Talmud,  compiled  from  many  books, 
probably  from  the  library  of  King  Ptolemy  Euergetes  of  Egypt." 

"Grotius  wrote  in  his  Commentary,  published  in  1644:  "I  believe 
that  the  book  is  not  the  production  of  Solomon,  but  was  written  in 
the  name  of  this  king,  as  being  led  by  repentance  to  do  it.  For  it 
contains  many  words  which  cannot  be  found  except  in  Ezra,  Daniel, 
and  the  Chaldee  paraphrases." 

222 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 

ing  that  he  means  all  kings;49  this  would  seem  to  imply 
that  he  was  preceded  by  a  line  of  kings,  but  there  had 
been  but  two  kings  of  Israel  prior  to  Solomon,  only  one 
of  whom  had  lived  in  Jerusalem,  namely,  his  father 
David.50  (3)  Some  of  the  utterances  are  inappropriate 
on  the  lips  of  Solomon.  For  example,  would  he  condemn 
so  bitterly  the  maladministration  of  justice,  for  which  he 
as  king  would  have  been  responsible?51  The  references 
to  kings  read  as  if  they  came  from  one  who  suffered 
from  their  misrule  rather  than  from  an  author  who  was 
one  of  them.  (4)  In  the  light  of  present-day  knowledge 
regarding  the  history  of  Hebrew  literature  the  complaint 
against  the  making  of  many  books52  seems  inappropriate 
in  the  days  of  Solomon.  (5)  The  very  existence  of  the 
problem  that  troubled  the  author,  especially  in  its  individ- 
ual aspect  which  is  emphasized  throughout,  presupposes  a 
much  later  stage  in  the  thought  development  of  the  He- 
brews.53 (6)  The  language  cannot  be  harmonized  with 
the  early  date.  The  argument  from  language  is  rarely 
conclusive,  but  in  this  case  it  clearly  and  definitely  mili- 
tates against  an  early  date.  "If  the  book  of  Koheleth  is 
of  old  Solomonic  origin,"  says  the  cautious  and  conserv- 
ative Franz  Delitzsch,  "then  there  is  no  history  of  the 
Hebrew  language."  Indeed,  the  evidence  against  the  tra- 
ditional view  is  so  strong  that  more  than  thirty  years  ago 
Dean  Plumptre  could  write,  "No  one  now  dreams  of 


49 1.  16;  2.  7-9. 

60  It  is  not  natural  to  interpret  the  phrase  as  referring  to  a  line  of 
unknown  Canaanite  kings  who  reigned  in  Jerusalem  before  David 
captured  the  city. 

"3.  16;  4.  i;  5.  8,  etc. 

»  12.   12. 

63  See  above,  p.  91. 

223 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

ascribing  it  to  Solomon.''  r>4  The  use  of  Solomon's  name, 
therefore,  is  a  literary  device,  commonly  used  during  the 
later  postexilic  period,  which  finds  another  illustration  in 
the  apocryphal  "wisdom  of  Solomon,"  written  during  the 
first  century  B.  C.  What  would  or  could  be  more  natural 
than  to  ascribe  these  observations  and  reflections  to  the 
wise  King  Solomon?  He  with  his  limitless  wealth, 
splendor,  magnificence,  and  harem  had  enjoyed  every 
opportunity  of  tasting  and  testing  life;  moreover  on  ac- 
count of  his  extraordinary  wisdom,  sayings  coming  from 
him  would  have  more  than  ordinary  significance  and 
weight. 

All  available  evidence  combines  to  prove,  not  only 
that  Ecclesiastes  could  not  have  been  written  in  the  tenth 
century,  but  also  that  it  is  one  of  the  latest  books  in  the 
entire  Old  Testament :  ( i )  While  the  historical  references 
and  allusions  are  all  more  or  less  indefinite,  the  general 
historical  background  is  clearly  that  of  the  late  postexilic 
period.  Evidently,  the  author  lived  in  an  age  of  social 
and  political  disorder  and  upheaval ;  folly  was  set  in  great 
dignity,  while  the  wise  occupied  the  low  places;  servants 
rode  upon  horses,  and  princes  had  to  walk  like  servants  ;55 
the  rulers  were  young,  inexperienced,  and  tyrannical,  and 
their  representatives  in  the  provinces  were  cruel  and 
rapacious;  justice  was  perverted  and  the  land  was  full 
of  spies  seeking  to  ruin  the  upright.56  This  is  a  truthful 
picture  of  conditions  during  the  late  Persian  period,  when 
the  empire  founded  by  Cyrus  had  become  the  "happy 
hunting-ground  of  political  exploiters  and  adventurers." 
But  the  description  would  fit  equally  well  the  years  im- 


64  Ecclesiastes,  p.  21. 

66 10.  6,  7. 

66  3.  i6ff.;  4.  i;  5.  8,9;  10.  8ff. 

224 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 

mediately  preceding  the  Maccabean  uprising:  the  woe 
upon  the  land  whose  king  is  a  child57  might  be  inter- 
preted as  a  reference  to  Ptolemy  V,58  who  was  less  than 
five  years  of  age  when  he  came  to  the  throne;  the  suc- 
ceeding verses  might  then  be  applied  to  Antiochus,  who 
in  B.  C.  198  wrested  Palestine  from  Egypt  and  made  it  a 
province  of  Syria.59  Thus  interpreted,  the  historical 
allusions  would  be  in  perfect  accord  with  a  date  early  in 
the  second  century  B,  C.,  but  before  the  Maccabean  upris- 
ing, which  caused  a  decided  change  in  the  situation; 
moreover,  the  depressed  tone  of  the  book  would  not  suit 
the  stirring  age  of  the  Maccabees. 

The  theology  of  the  book,  if  its  teaching  can  be  called 
theology,  points  to  the  same  late  period.  The  author  was 
a  serious  thinker :  he  was  perplexed  by  his  experiences 
and  observations,  he  sought  to  solve  life's  problems  and 
mysteries,  but  was  baffled  in  his  attempts;  hence  he  re- 
belled against  the  limitations  of  knowledge  and  wisdom. 
The  discussion  is  more  abstract  than  that  of  Job,  the 
speculation  is  more  advanced,  and  the  pessimism  more 
developed  and  deliberate  than  anywhere  else  in  the  Old 
Testament.  There  is  no  trace  of  the  religious  enthusiasm 
of  the  prophets,  or  even  of  the  early  legalists;  the  book 
reflects,  rather,  the  later  spirit  of  indifference  as  found, 
for  example,  among  the  Sadducees. 

The  presence  of  numerous  parallels  with  Greek  thought 
has  led  some  scholars  to  believe  that  the  author  was 
influenced  more  or  less  directly  by  Greek  philosophy. 
Thus,  the  warning  against  extremes60  is  thought  to  be 

67 10.  16. 

M  B.  C.  205-181. 

69  Compare  also  4,  13-16, 

90  7.  16-18. 

225 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

related  to  Aristotle's  doctrine  of  the  mean;  the  influence 
of  Heraclitus  has  been  seen  in  3.  1-8,  while  2.  i-n  is 
placed  alongside  of  the  Stoic  doctrine  of  recurring  cycles, 
and  Chapter  3  is  compared  with  the  doctrine  of  determin- 
ism held  by  the  same  school.  The  influence  of  Epicurus 
has  been  traced  in  the  numerous  statements  which  imply 
that  the  only  attainable  happiness  lies  in  the  rational  en- 
joyment of  the  good  things  of  this  present  life.  The 
theory  of  direct  dependence,  though  advocated  by  earlier 
scholars,  was  first  fully  developed  by  Tyler  in  1874,  and 
has  since  been  adopted  by  many  more  recent  writers, 
among  them  Pfleiderer,  Plumptre,  Wildeboer,  Siegfried, 
and  Cornill.  Others  have  insisted  with  equal  emphasis 
that  the  entire  discussion  is  an  independent  development 
of  Jewish  thought.  Cheyne,  for  example,  writes :  "I  do 
not  see  that  we  must  admit  even  a  vague  Greek  influ- 
ence' ';61  and  with  him  agree  both  McNeile  and  Barton, 
who  have  made  a  careful  and  extensive  study  of  the 
whole  question.  The  latter  reaches  the  conclusion  that 
"the  book  of  Ecclesiastes  represents  an  original  develop- 
ment of  Hebrew  thought,  thoroughly  Semitic  in  its 
point  of  view,  and  quite  independent  of  Greek  influ- 
ences."62 The  truth  lies,  perhaps,  between  these  two 
extreme  views.  In  the  words  of  A.  R.  Gordon :  "While 
agreeing  with  these63  and  other  scholars  that  the  Preacher 
is  at  heart  a  Jew,  the  tone  of  the  book,  its  frank  material- 
ism, and  its  almost  cynical  commendation  of  the  'golden 
mean'  as  the  only  course  of  wisdom,  with  its  thought  of 
the  endless  flux  of  nature  reducing  life  to  mere  Vanity/ 
seem  to  the  present  writer  clearly  to  suggest  that  he  was 

61  Job  and  Solomon,  p.  271. 
82  Ecclesiastes,  p.  49. 
w  McNeile  and  Barton. 

226 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 

influenced  by  the  general  currents  of  Greek  culture  that 
were  then  sweeping  over  the  Eastern  world."64  If  the 
author  was  under  the  influence  of  Greek  thought,  he  must 
have  lived  subsequently  to  the  time  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  for  it  was  he  who  opened  the  way  for  the  influx 
of  Hellenism  into  Syria  and  Palestine.  But  whether  the 
reality  of  Greek  influence  is  admitted  or  not,  the  general 
thought  of  the  book  points  to  a  time  later  than  the  fourth 
century  B.  C. 

In  the  case  of  Ecclesiastes  the  argument  from  language 
is  not  without  weight.  Clearly,  it  represents  the  very 
latest  stage  in  biblical  Hebrew :  Many  words  occur  again 
only  in  late  books  like  Chronicles,  Ezra,  Nehemiah, 
Esther;  there  are  some  Aramaic  words,  and  some  words 
and  idioms  found  otherwise  only  in  the  post-biblical 
Hebrew  of  the  Mishna.65  In  the  light  of  these  facts  Gray 
is  undoubtedly  right  when  he  says,  "On  the  ground  of 
language  alone  it  must  be  held  that  the  book  was  written 
at  the  earliest  in  the  fourth  century  B.  C.,  and  more 
probably  at  least  a  century  or  two  later."66 

But  while  all  the  evidence  points  to  the  later  postexilic 
period,  the  precise  date  of  Ecclesiastes  cannot  be  deter- 
mined. Some  scholars  have  advocated  a  date  during  the 
later  Persian  age,  in  the  fifth  or  fourth  century,67  while 


84  The  Poets  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  333;  J.  E.  McFadyen,  An  Intro- 
duction to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  301 ;  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the 
Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  477,  etc. 

66  Some  have  discovered  in  the  language  even  traces  of  Greek  in- 
fluence (for  example,  Graetz,  Tyler,  Wildeboer),  but  this  is  less  certain 
(T.  K.  Cheyne,  Job  and  Solomon,  p.  260;  A.  H.  McNeile,  Introduction 
to  Ecclesiastes,  p.  43). 

66  A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  153. 

87  Ewald,  Delitzsch,  Keil,  and  others. 

227 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

a  few  have  dated  it  as  late  as  the  first  century  B.  C.,68 
but  scholars  are  coming  to  be  more  and  more  agreed  in 
placing  the  origin  of  the  book  at  about  B.  C.  200.  If  the 
conquest  of  Palestine  by  Antiochus  is  presupposed,  the 
date  cannot  be  earlier  than  B.  C.  198.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  author  of  Ecclesiasticus  knew  Ecclesiastes,69  it 
cannot  be  later  than  B.  C.  180.  Probably  at  some  time  be- 
tween these  two  dates  the  original  book  of  Ecclesiastes 
was  written.  Nothing  is  known  of  the  writer.  It  would 
seem,  however,  that  he  was  a  man  of  wealth,  culture,  and 
social  position,  who  had  drunk  deeply  of  life's  enjoy- 
ments, but  had  found  nothing  but  disappointment  of 
spirit.70 

Teaching  and  Significance.  The  book  of  Ecclesiastes 
did  not  secure  a  permanent  position  in  the  canon  until 
the  Council  of  Jamnia,  about  A.  D.  90.  Though  it  had 
acquired  some  degree  of  sanctity  before  that  time,  it  was 
objected  to  by  some  Jewish  teachers,  chiefly  on  three 
grounds:  (i)  It  contradicted  itself;71  (2)  it  made  the 
assertion  that  the  creatures  of  God  are  vain,  and  placed 
greater  value  upon  worldly  pleasures  than  upon  higher 
and  more  spiritual  things:  (3)  its  pronounced  skepticism 


68  Tyler  and  Koenig  during  the  reign  of  Alexander  Jannaeus,  B.  C. 
104-78;  Graetz,  during  the  reign  of  Herod,  B.  C.  39-4. 

69  It  has  been  questioned  whether  such  familiarity  exists,  but  the 
evidence  seems  to  be  conclusive  that  the  author  of  the  one  book  knew 
the  other;  and  if  so,  the  priority  of  Ecclesiastes  is  beyond  doubt  (Plump- 
tre,  Ecclesiastes,  pp.  56ff.;  A.  H.  McNeile,  Introduction  to  Ecclesiastes, 
pp.  34ff.;  G.  A.  Barton,  Ecclesiastes,  pp.  53ff.).    The  last  named  reaches 
the  conclusion  that  the  author  of  Ecclesiasticus  used  the  words  of 
Ecclesiastes,  "as  a  modern  writer  might  weave  into  his  work  the  words 
of  Browning  or  Tennyson  or  any  other  well  known  author." 

70  Dean  Plumptre  has  written  a  suggestive,  if  fanciful,  ideal  biog- 
raphy of  the  author;  Ecclesiastes,  pp.  35ff. 

71  See  above,  pp.  216-218. 

228 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 

was  said  to  tend  toward  infidelity  and  atheism.  The 
defenders  of  the  book  also  depended  chiefly  upon  three 
arguments :  ( i )  It  was  the  production  of  the  great  and 
wise  Solomon;  (2)  it  was  early  recognized  as  sacred 
scripture;  (3)  it  begins  with  the  law  and  ends  with  the 
law.72  No  doubt  it  was  the  alleged  Solomonic  author- 
ship of  the  book  and  the  religious  emphasis  in  the  closing 
verses  that  finally  decided  the  controversy  in  favor  of 
the  book's  retention  among  the  sacred  writings. 

If  modern  scholars  are  right  in  assuming  that  back  of 
the  present  Ecclesiastes  lies  a  book  permeated  from  begin- 
ning to  end  by  a  spirit  of  pessimism  and  skepticism,  the 
aim  of  this  original  work  would  have  been  simply  to 
expose  the  emptiness  and  vanity  of  human  life.73  In 
the  words  of  E.  J.  Dillon :  "He  [that  is,  the  author  of  the 
original  Ecclesiastes]  is  an  uncompromising  pessimist, 
who  sees  the  world  as  it  is.  Everything  that  seems  pleas- 
ant or  profitable  is  vanity  and  a  grasping  of  wind ;  there 
is  nothing  positive  but  pain,  nothing  real  but  the  eternal 
Will,  which  is  certainly  unknowable  and  probably  uncon- 
scious. .  .  .  When  all  has  been  said  and  done,  the  highest 
worldly  wisdom  is  but  a  less  harmful  species  of  folly. 
Existence  is  an  evil,  and  the  sole  effective  remedy  renun- 
ciation."74 This  very  skepticism  has  proved  an  attraction 

72  The  statement  is  true  of  the  close,  12.  13,  but  as  to  the  beginning 
it  finds  its  only  support  in  an  artificial,  rabbinical  interpretation  of  I.  3. 

73  Connecting  Ecclesiastes  with  Job,  it  has  been  suggested  that  the 
former  "deals  the  last  fatal  blow  to  the  popular  doctrine  of  retribution." 
If  prosperity,  wealth,  power,  wisdom,  long  life,  etc.,  are  all  vanity,  how 
can  they  be  regarded  as  signs  of  God's  favor?    Or,  how  can  the  opposite 
be  regarded  as  evidence  of  the  divine  wrath?     (Bennett  and  Adeney, 
A    Biblical  Introduction,  p.    166).     Though  these   inferences  may  be 
drawn  from  the  discussion,  it  is  doubtful  that  the  author  desired  to 
throw  any  light  on  the  doctrine. 

74  Sceptics  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  113. 

229 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

to  many  modern  minds.  Renan  considered  Ecclesiastes 
"the  most  charming  book"  in  the  Old  Testament;  he  pre- 
ferred the  attitude  of  its  author  to  that  of  the  prophets 
who,  he  thought,  lived  in  the  clouds;  he  admired  the 
Preacher  because  "he  is  content  to  shrug  his  shoulders 
over  abuses  and  say  to  the  would-be  reformer,  'No  use !'  ' 
Even  some  philosophers  have  made  its  vanity  of  vanities 
the  keynote  of  their  own  systems.75 

Whatever  else,  however,  the  author  may  have  been— 
Renan  considers  him  to  have  been  a  man  of  the  world, 
a  skeptic,  a  materialist,  a  fatalist,  and  a  pessimist — he 
certainly  was  not  an  atheist.  In  spite  of  his  pessimism 
he  retained  a  belief  in  God,  and  vague  though  it  may 
have  been,  it  proved  sufficient  to  keep  him  "clean  in  heart 
and  true  to  the  compass  of  honest  duty."  "Koheleth's 
moral  principles,"  says  A.  R.  Gordon,  "read  like  undiluted 
Epicureanism.  But  when  touched  by  the  fear  of  God,  his 
Epicureanism  becomes,  not,  indeed,  the  heroic  virtue  of 
the  prophet  and  saint,  but  at  all  events  decent  moderate 
morality/'76 

In  the  present  book  of  Ecclesiastes,  whether  it  repre- 
sents the  work  in  its  original  form  or  as  it  left  the  hands 
of  later  revisers,  the  more  cheerful  note  of  faith  occupies 
a  larger  place.  In  this  form  it  may  well  be  called  a  "cry 
for  light."  The  light  does  not  yet  shine  clearly,  though 
here  and  there  glimpses  appear.  An  element  of  doubt 
and  perplexity  remains,  because  the  horizon  of  the  author, 
and  even  of  the  latest  editor,  is  bounded  by  the  grave. 
He  can  find  no  hope  in  this  life,  and  the  book  shows 
conclusively  the  utter  insufficiency  of  this  present  life  to 
solve  its  own  mysteries.  This  forces  him  to  look  with 

76  Compare,  for  instance,  Schopenhauer,  The  World  as  Will  and  Idea. 
76  The  Poets  of  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  341,  342. 

230 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTES 

longing  for  a  possible  solution  of  the  mysteries  of  the 
present  in  an  after  life;  but  it  remains  a  hope  and  a  cry; 
it  never  becomes  a  conviction.77  In  the  presence  of  this 
uncertainty  the  retention,  of  faith  in  God  assumes  even 
greater  significance.  The  author  is  conscious  of  a  moral 
order  in  the  universe ;  though  its  operation  is  often  frus- 
trated, in  many  cases  the  God-fearing  man  is  seen  to  have 
an  advantage  over  the  wicked.  Hence,  with  all  his  doubts 
and  questionings,  he  maintains  that  it  is  his  duty,  as  it 
is  the  duty  of  all  men,  to  fear  God  and  keep  his  command- 
ments; God  somehow  will  take  care  of  the  perplexities 
and  mysteries  of  life.  The  manifestation  of  this  faith 
causes  Cornill  to  write :  "The  piety  of  the  Old  Testament 
has  never  celebrated  a  greater  triumph  than  in  the  book 
of  Koheleth";78  and  it  is  the  preservation  of  this  faith 
in  the  midst  of  confusion  and  perplexity  that  gives  to 
the  book  its  unique  value  and  significance  in  the  present 
age  of  intellectual  unrest. 

77  In  this  Ecclesiastes  resembles  Job.  The  very  emphasis  placed  on 
the  emptiness  of  the  present  life  would  in  the  end  point  the  way  to  a 
belief  in  resurrection  and  immortality. 

nEinkitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  p.  251. 


231 


CHAPTER  X 
THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER 


CHAPTER  X 
THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER 

Name  and  Extent.  The  book  is  named  Esther  after 
the  heroine  of  the  story,1  a  Jewish  maiden  who  is  said  to 
have  lived  in  the  days  of  Xerxes.2  It  belongs  to  the  third 
division  of  the  Jewish  Canon,  and  is  one  of  the  five 
Megilloth,  or  Rolls,3  appointed  to  be  read  on  the  feast 
of  Purim.  The  Septuagint  translators  treated  the  He- 
brew text  with  considerable  freedom.  Not  only  did  they 
modify  in  many  places  the  text  before  them,  but  in  addi- 
tion they  made  more  or  less  extensive  interpolations  in 
several  parts  of  the  book.  In  the  Vulgate  the  most  im- 
portant of  these  are  separated  from  their  contexts  and 
placed  together  at  the  end  of  the  canonical  book.  In 
the  English  Apocrypha  they  are  arranged,  following  the 
order  of  the  Vulgate,  as  a  separate  book,  bearing  the 
title  "The  Rest  of  the  Book  of  Esther."4 

Canonicity.  The  tone  of  the  book  compares  unfavor- 
ably with  the  spirit  of  almost  every  other  Old  Testament 


1  Hebrew,  'TOON,  Ester;  Septuagint,  'Eatfifc,  Esther;  Vulgate,  Esther. 

*  B.  C.  485-465- 

*  See  above,  p.  165. 

4  The  more  extensive  additions  are: 

1.  The  Dream  of  Mordecai. 

2.  The  Exposition  of  Mordecai's  Dream. 

3.  The  Decree  for  the  Destruction  of  the  Jews,  drawn  by  Haman. 

4.  The  Prayer  of  Mordecai. 

5.  The  Prayer  of  Esther. 

6.  The  Interview  of  Esther  with  the  King. 

7.  The  Edict  in  Favor  of  the  Jews. 

235 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

book.  The  absence  of  the  divine  name,  God,  or  Yahweh, 
while  noteworthy,  is  perhaps  of  little  significance.  It 
may  easily  be  explained  on  the  assumption  that  the  writer 
considered  it  more  appropriate  not  to  use  the  divine  name 
in  a  book  intended  for  use  on  a  festival  celebrated  with 
much  feasting  and  revelry.  Moreover,  the  presence  and 
activity  of  God  as  the  protector  and  preserver  of  Israel  is 
assumed  throughout.5  Of  much  greater  significance  is 
the  absence,  from  beginning  to  end,  of  a  truly  religious 
atmosphere.  Its  conception  of  the  character  of  God  is 
low,  and  its  religion  lacks  a  truly  ethical  note.6  On  ac- 
count of  the  pronounced  secular  character  of  the  contents 
the  canonicity  of  Esther  continued  to  be  questioned  even 
after  the  Council  of  Jamnia,  which  decided  in  favor  of  its 
retention  in  the  canon.  It  is  omitted  from  the  list  of 
canonical  books  ascribed  to  Melito,  Bishop  of  Sardis ;  and 
even  some  of  the  Jewish  rabbis  sought  to  exclude  it.  The 
exaggeration  of  its  value  by  others7  suggests  uneasiness 
regarding  its  standing.  Again  and  again  voices  of  pro- 
test were  raised  among  Christians.  As  late  as  the  fourth 
century  Athanasius  and  Gregory  Nazianzen  refused  to 
include  it  among  the  canonical  books,  and  in  the  east, 
where  the  conception  of  canonicity  was  more  rigid,  oppo- 
sition continued  to  manifest  itself  throughout  the  Middle 
Ages.8  The  action  of  the  Council  of  Carthage,  in  A.  D. 


6  See,  for  instance,  4.  14. 

6  It  may  be  that  the  interpolations  of  the  Septuagint  are  due  to  a 
desire  to  remedy  this  defect.    At  any  rate,  the  terms  "God"  and  "Lord" 
occur  frequently  in  these  additions,  and  both  Mordecai  and  Esther  are 
made  to  offer  prayer. 

7  Maimonides,  A.  D.  1135-1204,  for  example,  declares  that  the  Law 
and  Esther  will  survive  all  the  rest  of  the  Old  Testament. 

8  In  the  fourteenth  century  it  was  rejected  by  the  Ecclesiastical 
Historian  Nicephorus  Callistus. 

236 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER 

397,  gave  the  book  a  securer  position  in  the  Western 
church,  but  Luther  spoke  very  slightingly  of  it  and  said 
that  he  wished  it  did  not  exist. 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  of  Esther  contains 
the  story  of  Esther,  a  Jewish  maiden  in  the  Persian  capi- 
tal Susa,  who  rose  to  be  queen  of  Xerxes,  and  as  such 
rescued  her  countrymen  from  the  evil  plottings  of 
Haman,  a  favorite  of  the  king.  The  story  is  well  told : 
At  a  royal  banquet  Xerxes,  the  king,  ordered  Vashti  his 
queen  to  appear  before  the  assembled  guests;  when  she 
refused  to  come  he  put  her  away.  After  a  diligent  search, 
extending  over  several  years,  the  queen's  crown  was 
placed  upon  the  head  of  Esther,  the  cousin  and  adopted 
daughter  of  Mordecai,  a  man  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin, 
living  in  Susa.  Soon  afterward  Mordecai  saved  the 
king's  life  by  revealing  a  plot  to  assassinate  him.  A  short 
time  later  the  king  promoted  a  certain  Haman  above  all 
the  other  nobles  at  court  and  ordered  his  servants  to  do 
obeisance  to  him.  Mordecai  refused,  whereupon  Haman, 
out  of  hatred,  procured  from  the  king  a  decree  for  the 
destruction  of  the  Jews. 

Esther,  acting  on  the  suggestion  of  Mordecai,  suc- 
ceeded in  frustrating  the  cruel  scheme,  Haman  suffered 
disgrace,  and  was  hung  on  the  very  gallows  he  had  pre- 
pared for  Mordecai,  while  the  latter  was  exalted  to  the 
position  formerly  occupied  by  Haman.  Since  Persian 
law  did  not  permit  the  revocation  of  the  decree  secured 
by  Haman,  the  king,  to  offset  it,  granted  permission  to 
the  Jews  to  defend  themselves  against  their  foes  on  the 
day  appointed  in  the  earlier  decree  for  their  own  destruc- 
tion. Thus  it  happened  that  on  the  thirteenth  and  four- 
teenth days  of  the  month  Adar9  the  Jews  slew,  through- 

9  Equivalent  to  latter  part  of  February  and  early  part  of  March. 

237 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

out  the  Persian  empire,  more  than  seventy-five  thousand 
of  their  enemies.  In  commemoration  of  the  deliverance 
the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  days  of  Adar  were  set  apart 
each  year  as  "days  of  feasting  and  gladness,  and  of  send- 
ing portions  one  to  another,  and  gifts  to  the  poor."  To 
this  festival  was  given  the  name  Purim,  that  is  "Lots," 
with  allusion  to  the  casting  of  the  lot  by  Haman,  for 
the  purpose  of  fixing  the  date  of  the  massacre.10  The 
book  closes  with  an  account  of  the  greatness  and  power 
of  Mordecai. 

I.  EXALTATION  OF  ESTHER  (i.  i  to  2.  18). 

1.  Feast  of  Xerxes  (i.  1-8). 

2.  Disobedience  and  rejection  of  Vashti,  the  queen  (i.  9-22). 

3.  Choice  and  exaltation  of  Esther  (2.  1-18). 

II.  HAMAN'S  PLOT  AGAINST  THE  JEWS  (2.  19  to  3.  15) 

1.  Mordecai's  discovery  of  the  plot  against  the  king  (2.  19-23). 

2.  Hainan's  promotion;  Mordecai's  refusal  to  do  obeisance  (3.  1-6). 

3.  Plot  for  the  destruction  of  the  Jews  (3.  7-15). 

III.  FRUSTRATION  OF  HAMAN'S  PLOT  (4.  i  to  8.  2) 

1.  Esther's  decision  to  intercede  for  her  countrymen  (4.  1-17). 

2.  Esther's  banquet  for  the  king  and  Haman  (5.  1-8). 

3.  Erection  of  gallows  by  Haman  for  Mordecai  (5.  9-14). 

4.  Exaltation  of  Mordecai  (6.  i-n;  8.  i,  2). 

5.  Disgrace  and  execution  of  Haman  (6.  12  to  7.  10). 

IV.  DELIVERANCE  OF  THE  JEWS  ;  INSTITUTION  OF  PURIM  (8.  3  to  10. 3) 

1.  Authorization  of  the  Jews  to  defend  themselves  (8.  3-17). 

2.  Slaughter  of  the  enemies  (9.  1-16). 

3.  Institution  of  the  feast  of  Purim  (9.  17-32). 

4.  Power  and  greatness  of  Mordecai  (10.  1-3). 

Historical  Character  of  the  Narrative.  The  purpose 
of  the  book  of  Esther  is  twofold:  (i)  to  explain  the 
origin  of  the  feast  of  Purim,  (2)  to  glorify  the  Jewish 

10  3- 7- 

238 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER 

people.11  But  many  students  of  the  book  have  been  led  to 
ask  the  question :  Did  the  feast  of  Purim  actually  originate 
as  narrated  in  the  book  ?  This  immediately  raises  a  ques- 
tion as  to  the  historical  character  of  the  narrative,  which 
has  been  differently  estimated  by  different  writers.  Gen- 
erally speaking,  three  attitudes  toward  the  narrative  may 
be  distinguished : 

i.  In  the  first  place,  there  are  those  who  accept  the 
narrative  as  credible  and  reliable  history  from  beginning 
to  end;  and  they  support  their  contention  by  arguments 
like  these :  ( i )  It  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  a  national 
feast  like  that  of  Purim  should  have  originated,  in  his- 
torical times,  without  some  adequate  cause  such  as  that 
described  in  the  book.  (2)  Internal  evidence  clearly 
shows  that  the  author  intended  to  write  history;  for 
instance,  he  gives  the  names  of  even  unimportant  per- 
sons,12 he  refers  several  times  to  the  chronicles  of  the 
Persians,13  he  notes  frequently  the  year,  month,  and  even 
day  on  which  an  event  occurred.14  (3)  The  feast  of 
Purim,  called  in  2  Maccabees  15.  36  "Mordecai's  Day," 
and  celebrated  since  the  days  of  Josephus15  by  Jews 
throughout  the  world,  constitutes  to  the  present  day  a 
witness  to  the  historicity  of  the  events  narrated  in  the 
book.  (4)  Archaeology  has  shown  the  statements  of  the 
author  regarding  Persian  manners  and  customs,  espe- 

11  The  contents  make  it  clear  that  (2)  is  at  least  a  secondary  purpose: 
Esther,  the  Jewess,  is  favored  above  all  other  virgins;  Mordecai,  the 
Jew,  refuses  to  make  obeisance  to  Haman,  and  Providence  justifies  his 
refusal;  Mordecai  is  exalted  to  a  place  beside  the  king,  while  Haman  is 
hanged;  the  Jews  are  destined  to  rule,  while  all  who  oppose  or  oppress 
them  are  doomed  to  destruction. 

12  For  example,  i.  10,  14;  2.  8,  14,  21,  etc. 
18  For  example,  2.  23;  6.  i;  10.  2. 

14  For  example,  i.  3;  2.  16;  3.  7,  13,  etc. 
16  Antiquities,  XI,  vi,  13. 

239 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

cially  regarding  court  practices,  to  be  strikingly  accurate. 
(5)  The  description  of  the  general  character  and  con- 
duct of  King  Ahasuerus  is  in  agreement  with  the  infor- 
mation regarding  the  character  of  Xerxes  derived  from 
other  sources.  (6)  Vashti  was  deposed  in  the  third  year 
of  Xerxes,16  Esther  was  made  queen  in  the  seventh.17 
The  long  interval  between  the  two  events  is  easily  ac- 
counted for  by  the  fact,  reported  by  Herodotus,  that  the 
intervening  years  were  devoted  to  the  Grecian  war.  The 
feast  described  in  Chapter  i  may  have  been  connected 
with  the  great  council  of  war  the  king  is  said  to  have 
held  before  his  departure.  (7)  The  proper  names  in 
the  book  are,  without  exception,  such  as  might  be  used 
in  the  days  of  Xerxes  and  Darius. 

2.  A  moment's  consideration  must  show  that  no  one  can 
expect  to  prove,  by  arguments  like  these,  that  the  narra- 
tive of  Esther  is  throughout  credible  and  reliable  history; 
at  the  most  they  may  justify  the  inference  that  the  author 
was  well  informed  concerning  the  character  of  Xerxes  as 
well  as  concerning  Persian  customs  and  practices ;  and  that 
he  made  skillful  use  of  his  knowledge  in  the  development 
of  the  narrative,  which  may  or  may  not  be  history.  In 
view  of  the  inconclusive  character  of  this  line  of  evidence, 
it  is  hardly  strange  that  others,  on  the  basis  of  alleged 
historical  improbabilities  and  impossibilities,  should  have 
reached  the  conclusion  that  the  book  is  throughout  a  work 
of  the  imagination,  developed,  perhaps,  from  mythologi- 
cal material,  and  written  for  the  purpose  of  making  the 
feast  of  Purim  popular  among  the  Jews. 

Scholars  favoring  this  view  support  their  position  by 
facts  like  these:  (i)  The  length  of  the  feast  provided 

18 1.  3. 

"2.6. 

240 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER 

by  Xerxes :  It  is  pointed  out  that  a  feast  lasting  one  hun- 
dred and  eighty  days,18  that  is,  nearly  six  months,  would 
involve  in  the  case  of  some  of  the  officials  an  absence 
from  their  posts  of  almost  a  full  year.  (2)  The  contents 
of  the  decree  suggested  by  the  royal  counselors:19  In 
view  of  the  position  occupied  by  women  in  the  ancient 
Oriental  household,  it  is  doubted  that  a  Persian  ruler 
would  issue  a  royal  decree  to  the  effect  that  "every  man 
should  bear  rule  in  his  own  house."  (3)  The  representa- 
tion of  Esther  as  queen  of  Xerxes  after  the  seventh  year 
of  his  reign:20  According  to  Herodotus,21  the  queen  of 
Xerxes  between  his  seventh  and  twelfth  years  was  Ames- 
tris,  whose  character  was  such  that  she  cannot  be  identi- 
fied with  Esther;  nor  is  there  room  for  the  latter  beside 
her.  Esther  might,  indeed,  have  been  one  of  the  women 
of  the  harem,  but  this  is  not  the  thought  of  the  biblical 
narrative,  which  represents  her  always  as  chief  queen,  if 
not  as  sole  queen.22  (4)  The  manner  in  which  the  suc- 
cessor of  Vashti  is  said  to  have  been  selected  is  contrary 
to  the  law  of  Persia,  according  to  which  the  Persian  king 
was  limited  to  seven  noble  families  of  Persia  in  the  choice 
of  his  queen.23  (5)  The  promulgation  of  the  decree  for 
the  destruction  of  the  Jews  eleven  months  before  it  was 
to  be  executed.  True,  it  has  been  suggested  that  Haman's 
object  in  announcing  his  plan  so  long  in  advance  was  to 
induce  the  Jews  to  leave  the  empire;  but  the  narrative 
itself  gives  no  intimation  of  such  object;  on  the  contrary, 


« i.  4. 
19 1.  19-22. 

20  2.  16,  17. 

21 VII,  114;  IX,  112. 

22  2.  17. 

28  Herodotus,  III,  84. 

241 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

it  makes  the  definite  impression  that  Haman,  from  the 
very  beginning,  was  bent  on  the  actual  destruction  of  the 
Jews.24  (6)  The  ignorance  of  Haman  regarding  the 
nationality  of  Esther,  though  she  constantly  communi- 
cated with  Mordecai,  who  was  well  known  as  a  Jew.25 
Ahasuerus  seems  to  have  shared  this  ignorance;  or,  if 
the  statement  in  7.  5  does  not  imply  ignorance  regarding 
Esther's  nationality,  it  involves  ignorance  as  to  the  exist- 
ence of  the  decree  which,  according  to  3.  8-n,  he  himself 
had  authorized.  (7)  The  slaughter  of  more  than  seventy- 
five  thousand  Persians  by  the  Jews,  apparently  without 
any  opposition  on  the  part  of  officials  and  people,  and 
the  ready  granting  of  a  second  day  of  vengeance  in  Susa. 
(8)  The  events  narrated  in  the  book  took  place  during 
the  reign  of  Xerxes,  who  ascended  the  throne  in  B.  C. 
485;  Mordecai  was  not  exalted  until  the  twelfth  year 
of  the  king,26  that  is  in  B.  C.  473  or  472;  he  continued 
in  power  for  some  years  afterward,27  and  there  is  no 
suggestion  that  at  the  time  he  was  a  feeble  old  man ;  and 
yet,  according  to  2.  6,  he  was  one  of  the  exiles  carried 
away  in  B.  C.  597;  which  means,  that  at  the  time  of 
his  exaltation  he  was  at  least  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  years  old.  (9)  It  is  further  pointed  out  that  the 
narrative  as  a  whole  reads  like  a  romance  rather  than 
strict  history :  At  each  stage  the  incidents  seem  to  be  laid 
so  as  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  next,  and  they  follow 
one  another  without  hitch  or  interruption — the  explana- 
tion of  the  delay  between  the  third  and  the  seventh  years 
of  Xerxes,  as  due  to  the  preparations  necessary  properly 


*3.9;  4.  1-3,13,14. 

26  3.  4,  6. 

M3.7ff. 

27  Compare  10.  1-3. 

242 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER 

to  introduce  all  the  maidens  to  the  king;  the  discovery 
of  the  plot  against  the  life  of  the  king  by  Mordecai,  who, 
however,  received  no  suitable  reward;  the  offense  taken 
by  Haman,  who,  however,  postponed  the  punishment; 
the  two  banquets  of  Esther,  giving  opportunity  in  the 
interval  to  picture,  first  Haman's  exultation,  then  his  vex- 
ation, in  preparation  for  the  disaster  which  followed ;  the 
erection  of  the  gallows  by  Haman,  only  to  suffer  death  on 
it  himself;  the  wakeful  night  of  the  king,  which  becomes 
the  turning  point  in  the  life  of  Haman  and  of  Mordecai ; 
the  two  edicts  and  the  circumstances  of  their  promulga- 
tion— these  and  other  similar  features  seem  to  "authorize 
the  inference  that  whatever  materials  the  narrator  may 
have  had  at  his  disposal,  he  has  elaborated  them  with  the 
conscious  design  of  exhibiting  vividly  the  dramatic  con- 
trasts which  they  suggested  to  him/'28  ( 10)  Moreover, 
certain  mythological  elements  have  been  discovered  in 
the  story.  Esther  is  so  similar  to  the  name  of  the 
Babylonian  goddess  Ishtar,  and  Mordecai  to  that  of  the 
Babylonian  god  Marduk  that  the  existence  of  some  con- 
nection between  these  names  can  hardly  be  doubted. 
Haman  suggests  the  name  of  the  Elamite  deity  Humman, 
and  Vashti  may  be  the  same  Mashti,29  the  name  of  an 
Elamite  goddess.  Thus  two  Babylonian  deities  would 
be  arrayed  against  two  Elamite  deities,  the  two  former 
gaining  the  victory.  It  has  been  suggested,  therefore, 
that  the  story  in  its  original  form  portrayed  the  conflict 
between  Babylonia  and  Elam,  which  was,  according  to 


28  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament, 
p.  483. 

29  A  similar  change  from  m  to  v  in  the  reproduction  of  a  foreign  name 
in  Hebrew  is  seen  in  2  Kings  25.  27;  Evil-merodach  is  the  Babylonian 
Awel-Marduk. 

243 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

ancient  ways  of  thinking,  a  conflict  between  the  gods  of 
Babylonia  and  the  gods  of  Elam.  Another  form  of  the 
mythological  theory  sees  in  the  deposing  of  Vashti  fol- 
lowed by  the  crowning  of  Esther,  and  in  the  passing  of 
Haman  followed  by  the  exaltation  of  Mordecai,  a  repre- 
sentation of  the  passing  of  winter  and  the  coming  of 
spring.  The  persons  named  would  then  be  personifica- 
tions of  the  powers  of  nature  that  had  a  part  in  the 
annual  struggle.  It  is  pointed  out  that  the  celebration  of 
this  change  in  nature  by  a  feast  held  in  the  spring  or 
during  the  last  month  of  the  year,  that  is,  around  the  first 
of  March,  would  be  very  appropriate. 

That  the  Purim  festival,  with  its  non-Jewish  name, 
was  of  foreign  origin  is  not  improbable;  moreover,  the 
book  may  be  correct  in  tracing  it  to  Persia,  though  no 
Persian  word  Pur  meaning  "lot"  has  as  yet  been  found. 
Nor  is  it  impossible  that  there  exists  some  connection 
between  the  feast  of  Purim  and  a  Persian  spring  festival 
called  Farwardigan,  observed  in  commemoration  of  the 
dead.  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  the  Babylonian  New 
Year's  festival,  on  which  the  gods,  under  the  leadership 
of  Marduk,  were  thought  to  draw  lots  for  the  purpose 
of  determining  destinies  during  the  new  year,30  was  cele- 
brated in  the  spring,  in  the  month  Nisan,  which  followed 
Adar.  May  it  not  be  that  there  is  some  connection  be- 
tween the  feast  of  Purim  and  the  Farwardigan  festival, 
and  between  the  casting  of  the  lots  in  the  book  of  Esther 
and  the  determining  of  destinies  on  the  Babylonian  New 
Year's  Day  ?  In  other  words,  the  Jews  may  have  adopted 
a  Persian  festival,  which  in  turn  was  derived  from  a 
Babylonian  original.  With  the  festival  may  have  come 

30  E.  Schrader,  Die  Keilinschriften  und  das  Alte  Testament  (Dritte 
Auflage),  pp.  515-520. 

244 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER 

the  myths  explaining  its  origin;  and  these  mythical  ele- 
ments, transformed  under  the  influence  of  the  higher  Jew- 
ish religion,  may  still  be  traced  in  the  story  of  Esther. 

3.  A  third  view  takes  a  position  between  the  two  ex- 
tremes discussed  thus  far.  Scholars  holding  this  view 
admit  that  the  internal  evidence,  as  outlined  in  the  preced- 
ing paragraphs,  makes  it  impossible  to  accept  the  narra- 
tive as  literal  history ;  on  the  other  hand,  they  insist  that 
there  is  insufficient  reason  for  denying  a  historical  basis 
to  the  story.  They  suggest  that,  even  admitting  that  no 
other  literature  contains  any  reference  or  allusion  to  per- 
sons or  events  mentioned  in  the  book  of  Esther,31  it  is 
not  difficult  to  imagine  that  a  Jewish  maiden  became  the 
favorite  concubine,  if  not  the  chief  wife,  of  a  Persian 
ruler32  and  that,  as  such,  she  frustrated  a  plot  against 
her  countrymen  and  delivered  them  from  imminent  disas- 
ter. This  mediating  view  of  the  historical  significance 
of  Esther  is  well  expressed  by  the  late  Professor  Driver 
in  these  words :  "The  conclusion  to  which,  on  the  whole, 
the  facts  point  ...  is  that  though  the  narrative  cannot 
reasonably  be  doubted  to  have  a  substantial  historical 
basis,  it  includes  items  that  are  not  strictly  historical :  the 
elements  of  the  narrative  were  supplied  to  the  author 
by  tradition,  and,  aided  by  his  knowledge  of  Persian 
life  and  customs,  he  combined  them  into  a  consistent 
picture;  in  some  cases  the  details  were  colored  already 
by  tradition  before  they  came  to  the  author's  hand;  in 


31  Persian  history  knows  no  queens  or  concubines  of  Xerxes  named 
Vashti  or  Esther,  no  prime  ministers  named  Haman  or  Mordecai,  no 
decrees  for  the  destruction  of  the  Jews. 

32  The  similarity  of  the  name  "Esther"  to  "Ames/ris,"  the  name  of 
the  queen  of  Xerxes,  may  be  responsible  for  assigning  the  events  to  the 
reign  of  Xerxes. 

243 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

other  cases  they  owe  their  present  form  to  the  author's 
love  of  dramatic  effect."33 

Now,  the  mere  possibility  that  the  story  of  Esther 
rests  upon  some  kind  of  historical  basis  may  readily  be 
admitted;  but  in  the  absence  of  all  external  evidence 
any  attempt  to  determine  the  nature  of  the  historical 
nucleus  is  bound  to  end  in  disappointment.  Moreover, 
internal  evidence  shows  not  only  that  the  author  gave 
free  play  to  the  imagination  in  the  disposition  of  all 
material  which  he  may  have  derived  from  tradition,  but 
also  that  he  was  quite  willing  to  use  mythological  material 
for  the  purpose  of  making  his  story  more  impressive  and 
beautiful.  On  the  whole,  the  present  writer  is  inclined 
to  agree  with  L.  B.  Paton  when  he  says,  "The  conclusions 
seem  inevitable  that  the  book  of  Esther  is  not  historical, 
and  that  it  is  doubtful  whether  even  a  historical  kernel 
underlies  its  narrative/'34 

Date.  In  the  absence  of  all  specific  information  the 
date  of  the  book  of  Esther  must  be  determined  entirely 
on  the  basis  of  the  language  and  such  indirect  internal 
evidence  as  may  be  available:  (i)  The  feast  of  Purim 
seems  to  have  been  considered  an  old  established  institu- 
tion when  the  book  was  written.35  (2)  The  references 
to  the  reign  of  Xerxes  in  i.  i  and  to  the  capital  Susa  in 
i.  2  read  as  if  the  author  regarded  the  Persian  empire 
a  thing  of  the  past.  (3)  The  fact  that  the  author  found 
it  necessary  to  explain  Persian  customs38  may  imply 
that  they  were  no  longer  familiar  to  the  people  for  whom 
he  intended  the  story.  (4)  The  difficulty  raised  by 


33  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  483. 

34  The  Book  of  Esther,  p.  75. 
36  Compare  9.  19. 

46  For  example,  i.  13,  19;  4.  n;  8.  8. 

246 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER 

the  extraordinary  age  of  Mordecai37  suggests  that  the 
past  had  come  to  assume  an  aspect  of  vagueness  with  the 
writer.  (5)  The  whole  spirit  of  the  book  is  late.  The 
narrow  nationalism,  with  its  fierce  hatred  of  foreigners, 
developed  gradually  from  the  time  of  Ezra-Nehemiah 
onward — first,  a  narrow  exclusiveness,  then  a  sense  of 
oppression  and  wrong,  followed  by  a  spirit  of  revenge. 
Though  one  cannot  speak  dogmatically,  there  is  much 
to  be  said  in  favor  of  the  view  that  "its  intensely  national 
pride,  its  cruel  and  fanatical  exclusiveness,  can  be  best 
explained  as  the  result  of  a  fierce  persecution  followed 
by  a  brilliant  triumph ;  and  this  condition  is  exactly  met 
by  the  period  which  succeeded  the  Maccabean  wars  (B.  C. 
135  or  later).  The  book  with  its  strong  Persian  setting 
may,  indeed,  have  been  written  earlier  in  Persia,  but  it 
more  probably  represents  a  phase  of  the  fierce  Palestinian 
Judaism  of  the  last  half  of  the  second  century  B.  C."38 
(6)  Ecclesiasticus,  written  about  B.  C.  180,  does  not 
seem  to  know  the  book.  Had  he  known  it,  the  absence 
of  Esther  and  Mordecai,  so  prominently  identified  with 
the  Purim  festival,  from  his  roll  of  honor  would  be 
difficult  to  explain.  (7)  Language  and  style  favor  a 
late  date.  True,  there  is  an  attempt  to  imitate  classic 
Hebrew,  but,  generally  speaking,  the  linguistic  affinities 
of  Esther  are  with  Daniel,  Chronicles,  and  the  postbiblical 
Hebrew.  It  may  be  safe,  therefore,  to  date  the  book 
after  200,  perhaps  about  B.  C.  150. 

The  place  of  its  composition  cannot  be  determined. 
Some  have  drawn  the  inference  from  the  absence  of  all 


37  See  above,  p.  242. 

88  J.  E.  McFadyen,  An  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  313.  It 
has  been  suggested  that  Haman  is  modeled  after  Antiochus  Epiphanes; 
compare  Esther  3.  9  with  I  Mac.  i.  41;  3.  34-36. 

247 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

reference  to  Jerusalem  and  to  the  postexilic  community, 
and  from  the  intimate  knowledge  of  Persian  customs, 
that  the  book  was  written  in  Persia;  but  the  evidence  is 
not  conclusive.  Since  the  author  lived  some  time  after 
the  age  of  Xerxes,  he  could  not  in  any  case  speak  from 
personal  observation,  but  had  to  depend  upon  other 
sources  of  information,  which  might  have  been  available 
in  Palestine,  as  well  as  elsewhere.  The  silence  concerning 
Palestine  is  easily  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  whole 
scene  is  laid  in  Susa.  McFadyen's  suggestion  is  as  good 
as  any,  namely,  that  the  book  is  the  outgrowth  of  fierce 
Palestinian  Judaism. 


248 


CHAPTER  XI 
THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 


CHAPTER  XI 
THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

Name  and  Place  in  Canon.  The  name  under  which 
the  book  appears  in  the  Hebrew  Bible1  is  the  name  of  the 
hero  of  the  book,2  who,  according  to  tradition,  was  also 
its  author.3  In  the  English  Old  Testament  it  occupies 
last  place  among  the  so-called  Major  Prophets;  in  the 
Hebrew  Bible  it  is  one  of  the  Writings.  In  other  words, 
in  the  Jewish  canon  it  belongs  to  the  third  division  rather 
than  to  the  second,  in  which  all  the  other  prophetic  books 
of  the  English  Bible  are  found.4 

Various  explanations  have  been  suggested  to  account 
for  the  separation  of  Daniel  from  the  other  prophetic 
books.  If  the  book  was  written  subsequently  to  B.  C. 
I7<D,5  as  is  now  generally  thought,  this  fact  in  itself  would 
be  sufficient  to  explain  its  position  among  the  Writings, 
for  the  prophetic  canon  was  completed  about  B.  C.  200. 
Of  the  writers  who  believe  that  the  book  originated  dur- 
ing the  exile,  some  hold  that  it  owes  its  position  among 
the  Writings  to  an  error  on  the  part  of  the  early  Jews; 
others,  that  its  apocalyptic  character  prevented  it  from 
taking  rank  among  the  prophets ;  still  others  believe  that 
at  one  time  it  was  in  the  second  division,  but  that  subse- 


?yi9  Septuagint, 

2  Compare  the  titles  of  the  books  of  Ruth,  Esther,  Job,  etc. 

3  See  further,  below,  pp.256,  257. 

4  Except  Lamentations. 

6  See  further,  below,  pp.  263-273. 

251 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

quently  to  the  opening  of  the  Christian  era  the  rabbis, 
prompted  in  part  by  their  hostile  attitude  toward  Jesus, 
"degraded  Daniel  from  the  prophetic  rank  and  put  his 
book  into  the  Hagiographa."6 

The  Greek  translations  of  Daniel7  contain  several  pas- 
sages not  found  in  Hebrew.8  The  longer  and  more  im- 
portant of  these  additions  are  found  among  the  Apocry- 
pha of  the  English  Bible:  (i)  The  prayer  of  Azariah 
and  the  song  of  the  Three  Holy  Children,  inserted  in  the 
Greek  after  3.  23  of  the  Aramaic  Text;  (2)  the  history 
of  Susanna,  which  in  the  Septuagint  and  in  translations 
influenced  by  it  follows  at  the  end,  as  Chapter  13,  while 
it  is  found  at  the  beginning  in  MSS.  containing  the 
translation  of  Theodotion;  (3)  the  account  of  the  de- 
struction of  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  forming  Chapter  14, 
following  the  history  of  Susanna.  Of  the  three  additions 
only  the  first  one  can  in  any  sense  be  regarded  as  a  supple- 
ment or  expansion  of  a  narrative  in  the  canonical  book: 
its  object  is  to  teach,  more  emphatically  than  is  done  in 
the  canonical  text,  that  piety  and  faith  have  their  reward.9 
The  other  two  stories  are  independent  of  the  biblical 
narrative  and  probably  originated  independently.  The 


«K.  F.  Keil,  Introduction  to  Old  Testament,  II,  pp.  21,  22;  H.  M. 
Harman,  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  pp.  401,  402. 

7  Both  the  Septuagint  and  the  translation  of  Theodotion;  also  other 
translations  influenced  by  the  Septuagint.     The  Septuagint  text  of 
Daniel  has  been  preserved  in  a  single  MS.,  the  Codex  Chisianus,  per- 
haps of  the  eleventh  century,  which  was  not  published  until  1772. 
Very  early  the  Septuagint  text  was  displaced  by  the  translation  of 
Theodotion;  perhaps  the  former's  treatment  of  the  Hebrew  text  was 
considered  too  arbitrary. 

8  See,  for  similar  additions  to  the  book  of  Esther,  above,  p.  235. 

9  Both  the  prayer  and  the  song  use  such  general  terms  that  it  is  not 
improbable  that  they  originated  independently  as  liturgical  psalms  and 
were  subsequently  inserted  in  Daniel. 

252 


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THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 


story  of  Susanna  is  meant  to  show  that  God  watches  over 
the  innocent  and  will  not  permit  them  to  become  the  prey 
of  the  wicked.  The  stories  dealing  with  the  destruction 
of  Bel  and  the  Dragon  are  intended  to  teach  the  folly  of 
idolatry. 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  book  of  Daniel  falls  natu- 
rally into  two  parts :  Chapters  i  to  6  narrate  six  experi- 
ences of  Daniel  and  his  three  companions :  ( i )  The 
loyalty  of  the  four  Hebrew  young  men  at  the  court  of 
Nebuchadnezzar,  and  their  reward;  (2)  the  dream  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  and  its  interpretation;  (3)  the  episode 
of  the  golden  image,  the  faithfulness  of  Daniel's  com- 
panions and  their  deliverance;  (4)  Nebuchadnezzar's 
second  dream  and  its  interpretation  by  Daniel;  (5)  the 
feast  of  Belshazzar  and  the  interpretation  of  the  hand- 
writing on  the  wall;  (6)  Daniel's  courageous  loyalty  and 
his  deliverance  from  the  lions'  den.  Chapters  7  to  12 
relate  four  visions  of  Daniel  and  their  interpretations : 
(i)  the  four  beasts;  (2)  the  ram  and  the  he-goat;  (3) 
Daniel's  prayer  and  the  appearance  of  the  angel  Gabriel ; 
(4)  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  kingdom  of  God.10 

I.  EXPERIENCES  OF  DANIEL  AND  OF  His  COMPANIONS  (i.  i  to  6.  28) 

1.  Daniel's  youth  and  education  (i.  1-21). 

(1)  A  captive  at  the  court  of  Babylon  (i.  1-3). 

(2)  Education  and  fidelity  of  Daniel  and  of  his  companions 

(i.  4-17). 

(3)  Their  proficiency  and  renown  (i.  18-21). 

2.  The  dream  of  the  image  and  its  significance  (2.  1-49) 

(1)  The  troublesome  dream  (2.  i). 

(2)  Failure   of  the  wise  men  and  their  condemnation  (2.  2-13). 

(3)  Daniel's  intercession  (2.  14-16). 

(4)  Daniel's  vision  of  the  dream  (2.  17-24). 


10  A  fuller  statement  of  the  contents  may  be  found  in  F.  C.  Eiselen, 
Prophecy  and  the  Prophets,  pp.  302-308. 

253 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

(5)  The  dream  and  its  interpretation  (2.  25-45). 

The  image  seen  by  the  king  represents  successive  world 
powers,  beginning  with  Nebuchadnezzar;  the  stone 
represents  the  kingdom  of  God,  which  will  destroy  the 
world  powers  and,  embracing  the  whole  earth  in  its 
sway,  will  abide  forever. 

(6)  Exaltation  of  Daniel  and  his  companions  (2.  46-49). 

3.  Faithfulness    of     Daniel's    companions    and    their    deliverance 

(3-  1-30). 

(1)  Nebuchadnezzar's  golden  image  and  his  decree  (3.  1-7). 

(2)  Refusal    of    Daniel's    companions    to    worship    the   image 

(3;    8-12). 

(3)  Deliverance  from  the  fiery  furnace  (3.  13-27). 

(4)  Nebuchadnezzar's    change    of    mind    and    exaltation    of 

Daniel's  companions   (3.  28-30). 

4.  Nebuchadnezzar's  tree-dream  and  its  fulfillment  (4.  1-37). 

(Related  in  the  form  of  a  decree.) 

(1)  Introduction  to  the  decree  (4.  1-3). 

(2)  Failure  of   the  wise  men  to  interpret  the  king's  dream 

(4-  4-7). 

(3)  The  dream  related  to  Daniel  (4.  8-18). 

(4)  The  dream  interpreted  by  Daniel  (4.  19-27). 

The  tree  represents  the  king  in  his  greatness,  but  Yah- 
weh  has  decreed  to  bring  him  low.  His  reason  will 
leave  him  for  seven  years,  which  time  he  will  spend 
among  the  beasts  of  the  field,  until  he  has  learned  to 
acknowledge  the  sway  of  the  God  of  Israel.  After- 
ward he  will  be  restored. 

(5)  Fulfillment  of  the  dream  and  Nebuchadnezzar's  gratitude 

(4-  28-37). 

5.  The  feast  of  Belshazzar  and  the  handwriting  on  the  wall  (5.  1-31). 

(1)  The  feast  of  Belshazzar  (5.  1-4). 

(2)  The  handwriting  on  the  wall  (5.  5-9). 

(3)  Reading  and  interpretation  of  the  writing  (5.  10-28). 

Daniel  reads  the  words :  "Mene,  Mene,  Tekel,  Upharsin," 
and  interprets  them  as  meaning  that  the  kingdom  of 
Belshazzar  is  about  to  be  given  to  the  Medes  and 
Persians. 

(4)  Fulfillment  of  the  threat  (5.  29-31). 

6.  Daniel's  deliverance  from  the  lions'  den  (6.  1-28). 

(1)  Exaltation  of  Daniel  by  Darius  (6.  1-3). 

(2)  Jealousy  and  plot  of  the  nobles  (6.  4-8). 

(3)  Daniel's  loyalty  and  condemnation   (6.  9-17). 

254 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

(4)  Daniel's  deliverance  from  the  lions'  den  (6.  18-24). 

(5)  Darius's  recognition  of  Yahweh's  power  (6.  25-28). 

II.  VISIONS  OF  DANIEL  (7.  i  to  12.  13) 

1.  Vision  of  the  four  beasts  and  its  interpretation  (7.  1-28). 

(1)  Vision  of  the  four  beasts  (7.  1-8). 

(2)  Vision  of  the  heavenly  judgment  scene  (7.  9-14). 

(3)  Interpretation  of  the  vision   (7.  15-28). 

The  four  beasts  signify  four  kingdoms,  all  of  which  are 
doomed.  After  the  destruction  of  the  fourth  "the 
saints  of  the  Most  High  shall  receive  the  kingdom,  and 
possess  the  kingdom  forever  and  ever." 

2.  Vision  of  the  ram  and  the  he-goat  (8.  1-27). 

(1)  The  ram  and  the  he-goat  (8.  1-14). 

(2)  Interpretation  of  the  vision  by  Gabriel  (8.  15-27). 

The  ram  represents  the  Medo-Persian  empire,  the  he- 
goat  the  kingdom  of  Greece,  and  the  great  horn  be- 
tween its  eyes  the  first  king.  The  four  horns  represent 
four  kingdoms  into  which  the  kingdom  of  Greece  is 
divided ;  the  little  horn  is  a  king  of  fierce  countenance, 
who  will  exalt  himself  even  against  the  "prince  of 
princes";  but  in  the  end  he  will  be  brought  low. 

3.  Daniel's  prayer  and  the  divine  answer  (9.  1-27). 

(1)  Prayer  for  the  restoration  of  the  divine  favor  (9.  1-19). 

(2)  The  answer,  transmitted  through  Gabriel  (9.  20-27). 

Gabriel  explains  that  the  seventy  years  of  desolation 
foretold  by  Jeremiah  must  be  interpreted  as  seventy 
weeks  of  years,  which  must  pass  before  the  kingdom 
of  God  will  triumph.  The  seventy  weeks  are  divided 
into  three  smaller  periods,  seven  weeks  from  the  going 
forth  of  the  command  to  rebuild  Jerusalem  to  "the 
anointed  one,  the  prince";  then  sixty-two  weeks  dur- 
ing which  the  holy  city  will  exist.  At  the  end  of  this 
period  the  anointed  one  will  be  cut  off,  and  "the  people 
of  the  prince  that  shall  come"  will  destroy  the  city 
and  the  sanctuary.  During  one  half  of  the  remaining 
week  sacrifice  and  oblation  will  cease,  but  after  that 
the  power  of  the  desolation  will  be  broken. 

4.  The  ultimate  triumph  of  the  kingdom  of  God  (10.  i  to  12.  13). 

(1)  Appearance  of  the  heavenly  messenger  (10.  1-12). 

(2)  Struggles    between    the    "prince"    of    the   Jews    and    the 

"princes"  of  Persia  and  Greece  (10.  13  to  n.  i). 

255 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

(3)  Defeat  of  Persia  by  Greece  (u.  2-4). 

(4)  Struggles  between  north  and  south  (n.  5-20). 

(5)  Rule  of  the  "contemptible  person"  (n.  21-45). 

(6)  Resurrection  and  exaltation  of  the  faithful  (12.  1-3). 

(7)  Consummation  of  the  kingdom  (12.  4-13) 

Authorship  and  Date.  Though  perhaps  no  book  in 
the  Old  Testament  contains  more  definite  indications  of 
its  date  than  does  the  book  of  Daniel,  there  has  been  about 
as  much  controversy  regarding  its  date  and  authorship 
as  there  has  been  with  reference  to  any  biblical  book. 
On  the  one  hand  are  those  who  insist  that  the  book  was 
written  by  the  prophet  Daniel,  one  of  the  captives  carried 
away  from  Jerusalem  during  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim,  who 
attained  a  position  of  prominence  at  the  court  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar and  of  his  successors  on  the  throne  of  Babylon. 

I.  The  -following  arguments  are  advanced  to  prove  that 
Daniel  is  the  author  of  the  book  bearing  his  name: 

i.  The  fact  of  its  admission  into  the  canon.  This 
argument  assumes  that  the  Old  Testament  canon  was 
closed  in  the  days  of  Artaxerxes,  which  assumption  is 
based  on  the  following  statement  of  Josephus :  "From 
the  death  of  Moses  to  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  king  of 
Persia,  who  reigned  after  Xerxes,  the  prophets  who  were 
after  Moses  wrote  what  was  done  in  their  times  in  thir- 
teen books.  ...  It  is  true,  our  history  has  been  written 
since  Artaxerxes  very  particularly,  but  has  not  been 
esteemed  of  like  authority  with  the  former  by  our  fore- 
fathers, because  there  has  not  been  an  exact  succession 
of  prophets  since  that  time."11  The  argument  continues : 
If  the  book  of  Daniel  had  not  been  written  until  about 
B.  C.  165,  that  is,  nearly  three  centuries  after  the  age  of 
Artaxerxes,  how  could  it  have  found  its  way  into  the 

11  Contra  Apionem,  I,  8. 

256 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

canon,  when  other  books,  written  earlier  in  the  same 
century,12  failed  to  secure  such  recognition?  Moreover, 
there  is  not  the  slightest  hint  anywhere  that  any  question 
regarding  the  canonicity  of  Daniel  was  ever  raised  among 
the  Jewish  rabbis. 

2.  The  testimony  of  tradition.  It  is  pointed  out  that 
from  the  time  of  Josephus  until  long  after  the  Reforma- 
tion it  was  the  common  belief  among  Jews  and  Christians 
that  the  book  was  written  by  the  Daniel  of  the  exile.13 
As  indicated  in  the  discussion  of  the  Pentateuch,14  Chris- 
tian tradition  has  little  independent  value,  because  it  was 
taken  over  bodily  from  Judaism;  consequently,  here,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  Pentateuch,  emphasis  is  rightly  placed 
on  Jewish  tradition.  The  earliest  statement  on  the  sub- 
ject is  found  in  Josephus :  "Our  nation  suffered  these 
things  under  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  according  to  Daniel's 
vision,  and  what  he  wrote  many  years  before  they  came 
to  pass.  In  the  very  same  manner  Daniel  also  wrote 
concerning  the  Roman  government,  and  that  our  country 
should  be  made  desolate  by  them.  This  man  left  in  writ- 
ing all  these  things,  as  God  had  showed  them  to  him; 
insomuch  that  such  as  read  his  prophecies,  and  see  how 
they  have  been  fulfilled,  would  wonder  at  the  honor 
wherewith  God  honored  Daniel,  and  may  thence  discover 
how  the  Epicureans  are  in  error  who  cast  providence 
out  of  human  life."15  This  passage  shows  that  Josephus 
believed — and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  his  con- 


12  For  example,  Ecclesiasticus,  written  about  B.  C.  180. 

13  The  Neo-Platonist  Porphyry,  about  A.  D.  300,  denied  the  author- 
ship of  Daniel  and  assigned  the  book  to  the  Maccabean  age,  but  several 
of  the  church  fathers  answered  his  arguments;  the  question  was  not 
raised  again  until  the  seventeenth  century  by  Spinoza. 

14  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  p.  85. 
w  Antiquities,  X,  x,  4. 

257 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

temporaries  shared  the  view — that  Daniel  was  the  author 
of  the  book.16 

3.  The  language  of  the  book  is  said  to  reflect  exactly 
the  age  and  position  of  Daniel.    About  two  fifths  of  the 
book  are  in  Hebrew,  the  remaining  three  fifths  in  Ara- 
maic.    The  Hebrew,  it  is  claimed,  is  as  pure  as  that  of 
books  known  to  have  been  written  during  the  period  of 
the  exile  or  during  the  years  immediately   following; 
there  are  no  indications  of  decay  such  as  might  be  ex- 
pected had  the  book  been  written  during  the  Maccabean 
age.    Moreover,  the  Aramaic  of  Daniel  is  as  pure  as  that 
of  Ezra,  "a  striking  proof  that  the  Aramaic  of  Daniel 
must  belong  to  the  same  age  with  that  of  Ezra,  and 
consequently  that  the  author  of  Daniel  must  have  lived 
somewhere  near  Babylon  during  the  captivity,   or,   at 
least,  not  long  after  it."     Further  support  for  this  con- 
clusion is  derived  from  a  comparison  of  the  Aramaic 
of  Daniel  with  that  of  the  Targums  coming  from  near  the 
beginning  of  the  Christian  era,  which  is  said  to  differ 
greatly    from   that   of    Daniel.      The   whole   matter   is 
summed  up  by  Harman  in  this  fashion :  ( i )  The  purity 
of  the  Hebrew  of  Daniel  shows  that  the  language  cannot 
belong  to  an  age  posterior  to  the  exile;  (2)  the  corre- 
spondence of  the  Aramaic  of  Daniel  with  that  of  Ezra 
indicates  its  proximity  to  the  age  of  the  exile.17 

4.  The    exact   historical    knowledge    of    the    author. 


16  That  the  book  belongs  to  the  earlier  period  is  inferred  also  from  the 
statements  that  the  book  was  shown  to  Alexander  the  Great;  Antiqui- 
ties, X,  xi,  7;  XI,  viii,  3-5. 

17  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  p.  417.    Conclusion 
(2)  should  have  been  worded:  The  correspondence  of  the  Aramaic 
of  Daniel  with  that  of  Ezra  indicates  its  proximity  to  the  date  of  the 
book  of  Ezra.    This  would  mean  a  date  certainly  not  much  earlier  than 
B.  C.  300. 

258 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

Appeal  is  made  to  a  carefully  selected  list  of  passages  to 
prove  that  the  author  had  such  an  exact  knowledge  of 
history  and  such  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  Persian 
manners  and  customs  that  it  is  impossible  to  believe  that 
he  lived  far  from  the  events  he  relates.  This  argument 
is  thought  to  assume  even  greater  force  in  the  presence 
of  numerous  historical  inaccuracies  and  absurdities  in 
the  noncanonical  books  written  during  the  second  and 
first  centuries  B.  C. 

5.  The  testimony  of  the  New  Testament.     Attention 
is  directed  to  the  fact  that  Jesus  calls  Daniel  "the  prophet" 
and  refers  to  his  prophecy  concerning  "the  abomination 
of  desolation";18  that  the  phrase  "Son  of  man"  seems 
to  be  taken  from  Daniel  7.  13;  that  the  imagery  of  the 
book  of  Revelation  is  in  part  borrowed  from  Daniel; 
that  Paul's  description  of  the  man  of  sin19  is  derived 
from  it,  and  that  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  refers  both 
to  the  Hebrew  children  in  the  fiery  furnace  and  to  Daniel 
in  the  lions'  den.20 

6.  The   use  of   the   pronoun   of  the  first  person  in 
expressions  like  "I  Daniel,"21  or  "me  Daniel."22 

7.  Various  additional  considerations  are  urged,  though 
perhaps  less  weight  is  attached  to  them :  ( i )  It  is  pointed 
out  that  the  symbolism  of  the  visions  is  such  as  might 
be  looked  for  in  the  writings  of  a  prophet  living  in  a 
Babylonian  environment.     (2)  The  character  of  Daniel's 
prophecies  is  said  to  be  in  perfect  agreement  with  his 
exalted  position  at  the  court  of  the  greatest  nation  of  his 


18  Matt.  25.  15. 

19  2  Thessalonians  2.  1-12. 

»  Heb.  ii.  33,34- 

11  For  example,  9.  2 ;  10.  2. 
22  For  example,  7.  15;  8.  I. 

259 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

a£e-  (3)  It  is  claimed  that  the  lofty  and  pious  Messianic 
conceptions  are  inconsistent  with  the  assumption  that  the 
book  is  a  fraud.  (4)  The  references  in  i  Maccabees 
2.  49-60  are  thought  to  imply  the  existence  of  the  book 
of  Daniel  near  the  beginning  of  the  Maccabean  crisis. 
(5)  The  inclusion  of  Daniel  in  the  Septuagint  transla- 
tion is  said  to  prove  that  it  was  a  well-known  book  before 
the  middle  of  the  second  century  B.  C.  (6)  The  absence 
of  prayers  in  the  midst  of  the  narrative  sections  is  said  to 
differentiate  Daniel  from  the  apocryphal  books  of  the 
first  and  second  centuries.  (7)  It  is  claimed  that  if 
Daniel  was  not  written  near  the  time  of  the  exile,  no 
authentic  history  of  the  period  has  been  preserved.  And 
yet,  in  view  of  the  importance  of  the  period  in  Jewish 
history  there  is  every  reason  for  believing  that  such  a 
history  was  produced. 

Are  these  arguments  conclusive?  i.  If  it  could  be 
shown  that  the  Old  Testament  canon  was  actually  closed 
in  the  days  of  Artaxerxes,  the  argument  would  have 
considerable  weight;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  the  canon 
of  the  Writings  was  not  fixed  until  near  the  opening  of 
the  Christian  era,23  the  admission  of  Daniel  into  the 
canon  can  throw  no  light  on  the  question  of  its  date. 
There  is  no  reason  why  a  book  written  in  B.  C.  165 
should  not  have  been  admitted  into  the  canon,  provided 
it  dealt  with  events  during  the  prophetic  period,  espe- 
cially if  the  book  was  one  of  intense  spirituality  and  faith 
and  could  be  connected  with  one  of  the  heroes  of  the 
past.24 


23  The  formation  of  the  Old  Testament  canon  will  be  discussed  in 
detail  in  Volume  IV  of  this  Biblical  Introduction  Series. 

24  The  words  of  Josephus  quoted  above  may  imply  that  only  such 
books  were  admitted  into  the  canon  as  were  thought  to  have  been 

260 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

2.  The  persistency  of  Jewish  and  Christian  tradition 
to  ascribe  the  book   to   the   prophet  Daniel   cannot  be 
denied;  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  earliest 
"official"  tradition  does  not  ascribe  the  book  to  Daniel, 
but  to  the  men  of  the  Great  Synagogue.25     Moreover, 
Jewish  tradition  has  been  found  unreliable  in  so  many 
cases  that  it  can  serve  only  as  a  starting  point  in  investi- 
gation, and  must  be  set  aside  whenever  the  facts  in  the 
case  fail  to  support  tradition.26 

3.  The  linguistic  peculiarities  point  in  the  very  opposite 
direction.    Instead  of  favoring  a  date  near  the  exile,  they 
suggest  a  date  several  centuries  later.27 

4.  When  the  author's  "exact  knowledge  of  history"  is 
subjected  to  any  kind  of  fair  test  so  many  imperfections 
reveal  themselves  that  it  becomes  practically  impossible 
to  accept  the  book  as  the  work  of  an  eyewitness.28 

5.  The  New  Testament  references  do  not  raise  or  con- 
sider the  question  of  date  and  authorship,  hence  they 
have  no  bearing  on  the  subject  under  discussion. 

6.  The  pronoun  of  the  first  person  is  used  whenever 
Daniel  is  introduced  as  the  speaker;   in  the  narrative 
sections   and   in   the  verses  introducing  Daniel  as  the 


written  during  the  prophetic  period,  that  is,  according  to  the  common 
Jewish  notion,  the  period  ending  with  Malachi.  In  harmony  with  this 
principle  Job  was  admitted  because,  according  to  general  belief,  it  was 
a  book  of  venerable  antiquity,  Ruth  as  a  narrative  of  an  incident  in  the 
period  of  the  Judges,  Ecclesiastes  as  coming  from  Solomon,  and  Daniel 
because  it  was  thought  to  have  been  written  by  the  prophet  bearing 
that  name,  etc.  In  no  case  does  the  admission  of  a  book  into  the  canon 
settle  the  question  of  date  or  authorship. 

25  The  relevant  passage  from  the  Talmud  is  quoted  in  F.  C.  Eiselen, 
The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  p.  86. 

26  See  above,  p.  46. 

27  See  further,  below,  pp.  269-271. 

28  See  further,  below,  pp.  265-269. 

261 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

speaker  the  third  person  is  used.  This  is  just  what  might 
be  expected  if  some  one  other  than  Daniel  were  the 
author. 

7.  ( i )  The  argument  based  upon  the  character  of  the 
symbolism  might  be  used  to  prove  that  other  apocalyptic 
books,  including  the  New  Testament  book  of  Revelation, 
were  written  in  Babylon  during  the  period  of  the  exile. 
(2)  The  agreement  between  Daniel's  prophecies  and  his 
exalted  position  proves  nothing  more  than  that  the 
author,  whoever  he  may  have  been  and  whenever  he  may 
have  lived,  was  careful  to  avoid  inconsistencies.  (3)  To 
assign  the  book  to  another  author  or  to  another  date  does 
not  introduce  an  element  of  fraud.  The  literary  method 
which  secures  dramatic  effect  by  speaking  in  the  name 
of  some  well-known  person  was  known  and  used  in  Israel 
even  before  the  exile;29  its  use  became  more  common 
during  the  later  postexilic  period,30  especially  in  the  writ- 
ings of  an  apocalyptic  nature.31  (4)  The  references  in 
i  Maccabees  imply  nothing  more  than  that  the  book  of 
Daniel  was  in  existence  at  the  time  the  former  was  writ- 
ten, that  is,  about  B.  C.  100;  they  throw  no  light  on  the 
date  of  the  book.  (5)  The  translation  of  the  Septuagint 
was  not  completed  until  near  the  opening  of  the  Christian 
era;  hence  books  written  even  later  than  the  Maccabean 
crisis  might  have  been  included  in  that  translation,  and, 
indeed,  were  included,  as  is  shown  by  the  presence  of  the 
apocryphal  writings.  The  consideration  urged  under 
(6)  possesses  little  weight.  True,  Daniel  differs  from 
the  so-called  apocryphal  books,  which  is  only  what  might 
be  expected,  because  it  is  in  the  nature  of  an  apocalypse; 

29  Deuteronomy  is  a  good  illustration. 

30  For  example,  Ecclesiastes. 

31  See  further,  below,  p.  275. 

262 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

but  how  the  presence  or  absence  of  long  prayers32  in 
the  midst  of  the  historical  sections  can  determine  the 
date  of  the  book  is  not  easily  seen.  (7)  It  would  be 
easy  to  turn  this  into  an  argument  in  favor  of  a  late  date. 
The  people  living  near  the  time  of  the  exile  did  not  need 
a  history  of  that  age.  On  the  other  hand,  such  need 
might  be  felt  a  few  centuries  later;  then  the  book  of 
Daniel  was  written  to  supply  the  need,33 

Evidently,  the  arguments  commonly  used  to  establish 
the  claim  that  Daniel  wrote  the  book  are  in  no  sense 
conclusive.  No  doubt,  in  the  absence  of  all  evidence  to 
the  contrary,  the  inference  might  be  drawn  from  some 
of  the  facts  presented  in  the  book  that  it  is  essentially  an 
autobiography ;  but  no  conclusion  that  has  not  due  regard 
for  all  the  facts  in  the  case  can  be  regarded  as  satisfac- 
tory. Hence,  before  the  question  of  authorship  and  date 
can  be  decided  it  is  necessary  to  consider  the  evidence 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  a  great  majority  of  modern 
scholars,  makes  it  impossible  to  believe  any  longer  that 
Daniel  is  the  author  of  the  book  bearing  his  name,  or, 
that  it  was  written  during  or  soon  after  the  period  of  the 
exile.34 

II.  Arguments  to  prove  that  the  book  of  Daniel  is  a 
product  of  the  Maccabean  crisis: 


32  There  are  frequent  references  to  prayer  in  the  historical  sections, 
and  Chapter  9,  in  the  apocalyptic  section,  contains  a  prayer. 

33  Regarding  the  purpose  of  the  book,  see  further,  below,  pp.  274-278. 

34  It  is  by  no  means  clear  that  the  author,  whoever  he  may  have  been 
or  whenever  he  may  have  lived,  ever  intended  the  book  to  be  received 
as  the  work  of  Daniel  himself.     In  the  narrative  sections  and  in  the 
verses  introducing  the  visions  Daniel  is  referred  to  in  the  third  person; 
the  first  person  is  used  only  when  Daniel  appears  as  the  speaker;  which 
difference  receives  a  natural  explanation  only  if  it  is  assumed  that  the 
author  is  some  one  other  than  the  hero  of  the  book. 

263 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

I.  External  evidence:  (i)  The  position  of  the  book 
in  the  Hebrew  Bible.  As  already  stated,  the  book  of 
Daniel  belongs  to  the  third  division  of  the  Jewish  canon, 
the  Writings.  Now,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  proper 
place  for  the  book  is  among  the  prophetic  books,  where 
it  is  found  in  the  English  Bible.  Consequently,  the  only 
natural  explanation  of  its  omission  from  the  prophetic 
canon  is  offered  by  the  view  that  the  book  was  not  yet 
in  existence  when  that  canon  was  closed,  about  B.  C.  200. 
The  same  inference  may  be  drawn  from  9.  2,  where 
reference  is  made  to  "the  books, "  which  are  said  to  have 
contained  the  prophecies  of  Jeremiah.  The  statement 
clearly  implies  that  Jeremiah  was  one  of  a  collection 
of  books,  perhaps  the  prophetic  canon,  when  the  book 
of  Daniel  was  written.35  (2)  The  silence  of  Jesus  ben 
Sirach,36  about  B.  C.  180.  This  writer  mentions,  in  his 
list  of  Hebrew  worthies,37  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and, 
collectively,  the  Minor  Prophets,  but  is  silent  concerning 
Daniel.  Now,  while  the  argument  from  silence  is  hardly 
conclusive,  the  question  may  well  be  asked  whether  the 
author,  had  he  been  familiar  with  the  book  of  Daniel, 
would  have  omitted  the  name  of  a  prominent  person  like 
its  hero,  and  made  the  assertion  that  there  had  been  no 
man  in  Israel  like  Joseph.38  (3)  The  earliest  literary 


36  Other  explanations,  see  above,  p.  251,  assume  that  radical  changes 
were  made  in  the  classification  of  Old  Testament  books;  for  which 
assumption  there  is  no  evidence.    True,  there  are  indications  of  varia- 
tions in  the  order  of  books  within  the  limits  of  the  second  and  third 
divisions  of  the  canon;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  Palestinian 
Jews  ever  transferred  a  book  from  one  division  to  another. 

86  The  author  of  Ecclesiasticus. 

37  Ecclesiasticus,  Chapters  44-50. 

38  Ecclesiasticus,  49.  15. 

264 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

references  or  allusions  to  the  book  of  Daniel  come  from 
B.  C.  140  and  later.39 

2.  The  author's  knowledge  of  history.  There  can  be 
no  question  that  the  author's  knowledge  of  events  that 
took  place  during  the  period  of  the  exile  or  soon  after 
was  more  or  less  hazy:  (i)  The  assertion  in  i.  i,  2,  that 
in  the  third  year  of  Jehoiakim,  Nebuchadnezzar  besieged 
Jerusalem,  captured  the  king,  and  carried  away  some 
of  the  sacred  vessels  and  a  number  of  captives,  is  contra- 
dicted by  Jeremiah,  who  certainly  was  a  contemporary 
of  the  events  recorded.40  (2)  Belshazzar  is  represented 
as  the  last  king  of  the  Babylonian  empire  and  the  son 
of  Nebuchadnezzar.41  He  was  neither:  the  last  king  of 
Babylon  was  Nabu-na'id,42  a  usurper,  who  was  neither 
a  son  nor  a  descendant  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  Belshazzar, 
in  Babylonian,  Bel-shar-usur,  was  the  son  of  Nabonidus ; 
his  name  occurs  on  several  contract  tablets,  where  he  is 
always  called  "the  son  of  the  king";43  Nabonidus  calls 
him  "the  chief  son"  ;44  nowhere  in  the  native  records  is 
it  stated  or  implied  that  he  was  king,  or  even  coregent 

39  The  Sibylline  Oracles,  Book  III,  388-400  (about  B.  C.  140),  con- 
tain a  reference  to  Dan.  7.  20,  24;  in  the  Testaments  of  the  Twelve 
Patriarchs,  written  near  the  close  of  the  second  century,  are  several 
references  to  Daniel   (R.  H.  Charles,   The   Testaments  of  the  Twelve 
Patriarchs,  p.  238,  enumerates  1 1  such  references) ;  i  Maccabees  2.  59, 
60  (about  B.  C.  100)  makes  reference  to  the  deliverance  of  Daniel  and 
of  his  three  companions. 

40  In  referring  to  the  fourth  year  of  Jehoiakim  (Jer.  25.  i,  9ff.),  and 
again,  to  the  fifth  year  (36.  9,  29),  the  prophet  uses  language  which 
implies  that  up  to  the  fifth  year  of  Jehoiakim  the  Babylonian  armies 
had  not  appeared  in  Judah. 

41  Dan.  5.  iff.;  7.  i;  8.  i. 

42  Commonly  given  as  Nabonidus,  the  Greek  form  with  a  Latin 
ending. 

43  Perhaps  equivalent  to  "crown-prince." 

44  Perhaps  equivalent  to  "first-born." 

265 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

with  his  father.  Moreover,  the  whole  description  in 
Chapter  5  is  inconsistent  with  conditions  in  Babylon 
immediately  preceding  the  death  of  Belshazzar,  as  they 
are  known  from  the  inscriptions.  Thus  all  available 
evidence  outside  of  the  book  of  Daniel  makes  it  impos- 
sible to  accept  the  representation  of  the  latter  as  correct.45 
(3)  According  to  Daniel  the  last  Babylonian  king  was 
succeeded  by  Darius  the  Mede,46  and  Darius  the  Mede 
was  succeeded  by  Cyrus  the  Persian.47  This  is  not  in 
accord  with  the  facts  in  the  case,  for  Cyrus  followed 
immediately  upon  Nabonidus;  there  is  no  room  for 
Darius  the  Mede  before  Cyrus.48  (4)  Closely  bound  up 


46  Professor  R.  D.  Wilson,  in  his  Studies  on  the  Book  of  Daniel,  vol.  I, 
Chapter  VI,  has  attempted  to  show  that  the  statements  in  Daniel  with 
reference  to  Belshazzar  are  correct.  How  successful  (?)  the  attempt  has 
been  is,  perhaps,  best  seen  from  his  own  summary  of  the  conclusions: 
"It  is  shown  that  Belshazzar,  the  son  of  Nabunaid,  may,  according  to 
the  usage  of  those  times,  have  been  also  the  son  of  Nebuchadnezzar; 
that  there  is  good  reason  to  suppose  that  he  was  king  of  the  Chaldeans 
before  he  became  king  of  Babylon;  that  he  may  have  been  king  of 
Babylon  long  enough  to  justify  the  writer  of  Daniel  in  speaking  of  his 
first  year  as  king  of  that  city  [8.  I  would  have  to  be  interpreted  as  the 
third  year  since  he  became  king  of  the  Chaldeans];  that  the  fact  that 
he  is  not  called  king  elsewhere  by  his  contemporaries  is  simply  an 
argument  from  silence,  paralleled  in  other  instances,  and  that  the  other 
biblical  sources  do  not  say  that  some  other  man  was  last  king  of  Baby- 
lon" (The  Princeton  Seminary  Bulletin,  November,  1916,  p.  26).  One 
might  grant  almost  everything  that  Professor  Wilson  here  claims,  and 
the  difficulties  would  remain. 

46  Dan.  5.  i;  9.  i;  compare  also  Chapter  6  and  n.  I. 

47  6.  28;  10.  i;  II.  2. 

48  To  identify  Darius  the  Mede  with  Gubaru  (Ugbaru)  or  Gobryas,  the 
general  of  Cyrus,  who  might  have  acted  for  a  time  as  viceroy  for  Cyrus, 
is  not  possible.    Darius  is  represented,  not  as  a  vassal,  but  as  an  inde- 
pendent ruler:  as  sole  ruler  he  divides  the  country  into  satrapies;  as 
absolute  despot  he  sentences  the  satraps  to  death  by  a  single  decree; 
when  he  dies  he  is  succeeded  by  Cyrus  the  Persian.    It  may  be  that 
Darius  the  Mede  is  really  "a  reflection  into  the  past"  of  Darius  Hys- 

266 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

with  the  statement  that  Nabonidus  was  followed  by 
Darius  the  Mede  is  the  view  of  the  author  that  the  Per- 
sian empire  was  preceded  by  a  Median  empire,49  which, 
again,  is  not  in  accord  with  history,  in  the  sense  implied 
in  the  book  of  Daniel.  (5)  The  use  of  the  term  "Chal- 
deans," not  in  an  ethnic  sense,50  but  as  denoting  a  class 
of  wise  men,  which  is  not  consistent  with  an  exilic  or 
early  postexilic  date  of  the  book.51  (6)  If  "Aramaic" 
in  2.  4  is  a  part  of  the  original  text,52  it  implies  that  the 
author  considered  Aramaic  to  have  been  the  court  lan- 
guage in  Babylon  during  the  sixth  century  B.  C.,  which 

taspis,  the  father,  not  the  son,  of  Xerxes,  who  organized  the  Persian 
empire  into  satrapies,  though  probably  fewer  than  one  hundred  and 
twenty.  All  attempts  to  remove  the  difficulty  are  based  upon  the 
assumption  that  the  identification  with  Gobryas  is  possible;  if  the  iden- 
tification cannot  be  made,  the  case  collapses. 

"This  is  the  only  natural  interpretation  of  6.  28;  compare  also  the 
passages  given  in  notes  46  and  47.  The  view  reflected  in  the  book  finds 
no  support  anywhere  else  in  the  Old  Testament,  nor  in  any  classical 
author,  nor  in  the  Babylonian  or  Persian  inscriptions.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  easy  to  see  how  a  later  writer  might  be  led  astray:  (i) 
There  had  been  a  Median  empire  long  before  the  Persians  established 
their  supremacy;  and  (2)  Old  Testament  prophecy  had  foretold  that 
the  Medes  would  bring  about  the  downfall  of  Babylon  (for  example, 
Isa.  13.  17;  Jer.  51.  n,  28). 

60  It  is  used  in  an  ethnic  sense  in  5.  30;  9.  i. 

61  It  is  used  as  a  designation  of  a  class  of  wise  men  in  I.  4;  2.  2,  4,  5,  10; 
4-  7'.  5-  7»  IT>  and»  perhaps,  in  3.  8.    Of  this  meaning  there  is  no  trace  in 
the  inscriptions;  it  appears  first  in  Herodotus,  I,  181,  183,  that  is,  in  the 
fifth  century  B.  C.    Professor  Sayce,  always  cautious  and  conservative, 
is  willing  to  say:  "In  the  eyes  of  the  Assyriologist  the  use  of  the  word 
'Kasdim'  in  the  book  of  Daniel  would  alone  be  sufficient  to  indicate  the 
date  of  the  work  with  unerring  certainty"  (Higher  Criticism  and  the 
Monuments  p.  535). 

62  It  is  not  impossible,  however,  that  the  word  was  not  a  part  of  the 
original  text.    It  may  have  been  placed  in  the  margin  by  a  reader  of 
the  book  to  indicate  that  the  Aramaic  section  begins  at  this  point. 
Subsequently  it  may  have  been  transferred  by  accident  to  the  text 
proper. 

267 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

was  not  the  case.  No  one  living  at  the  Babylonian  court 
at  the  time  could  have  made  such  statement,  for  he  would 
have  known  that  the  court  language  was  Babylonian.53 

The  author's  knowledge  with  reference  to  the  Persian 
period,  that  is,  the  centuries  from  the  fall  of  Babylon 
to  the  conquests  of  Alexander  the  Great,54  is  still  some- 
what vague.55  He  becomes  more  specific  when  he  speaks 
of  Alexander,56  and  seems  to  be  most  familiar  with  events 
following  B.  C.  200,  especially  with  the  events  in  Jewish 
history  in  which  Antiochus  Epiphanes57  played  a  promi- 
nent role.58  The  author  seems  to  be  thoroughly  familiar 
with  the  character  of  Antiochus,  his  Egyptian  campaign, 
his  treatment  of  the  Jews,  the  desecration  of  the  altar  of 
burnt  offering,59  the  Maccabean  revolt  and  its  early  suc- 
cesses.60 The  situation  with  reference  to  the  historical 
knowledge  of  the  author  is  admirably  summed  up  by 
J.  E.  McFadyen  in  these  words:  "A  book  supposed  to 
come  from  the  exile,  and  to  announce  beforehand  the 
persecutions  and  ultimate  triumph  of  the  Jewish  people 


63  A  few  other  matters,  sometimes  mentioned  as  favoring  a  later 
date,  are  less  significant  as  parts  of  the  argument,  such  as  the  spelling 
of  the  Babylonian  king's  name,  Nebuchadnezzar  for  Nebuchadrezzar, 
the  insanity  of  Nebuchadnezzar  as  described  in  Chapter  4,  and  the 
attitude  Nebuchadnezzar  and  Darius  are  said  to  have  assumed  toward 
the  God  of  Israel. 

"  About  B.  C.  538-332. 

65  For  example,  he  seems  to  know  of  only  four  Persian  kings,  11.2. 

66  Dan.  II.  3  is  a  reference  to  Alexander  the  Great;  n.  4  to  the  divi- 
sion of  his  empire;  verses  5-20  to  the  troubles  between  the  Ptolemies 
of  Egypt  and  the  Seleucidae  of  Syria. 

"  B.  C.  175-164- 

68  Dan.  ii.  25-39;  R.  Smend  calls  it  for  this  period  a  "historical 
source  of  first  rank";  Zeitschrift  fuer  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  V, 
p.  241. 

»  Dec.,  B.  C.  168. 

60  Dan.  II.  34. 

268 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

in  the  second  century  B.  C.,  is  occasionally  inaccurate  in 
dealing  with  the  exilic  and  early  postexilic  period,  but 
minute  and  reliable  as  soon  as  it  touches  the  later  period. 
Only  one  conclusion  is  possible — that  the  book  was  writ- 
ten in  the  later  period,  not  in  the  earlier.  It  is  a  product 
of  the  period  which  it  so  minutely  reflects/'61 

3.  The  argument  from  language.  The  facts  are  these : 
the  book  of  Daniel  is  written,  partly  in  Hebrew  and 
partly  in  Aramaic  ;62  there  are  also  several  Persian  and  a 
few  Greek  words.  Do  these  facts  throw  any  light  on 
the  question  of  date?  (i)  Driver  enumerates  fifteen 
words  of  Persian  origin.63  Whether  this  number  is  too 
large  or  too  small,  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  presence 
of  some  loan  words  from  the  Persian.  Such  words  might 
be  expected  to  appear  in  books  written  during  or  after 
the  Persian  age;64  but  one  would  hardly  expect  to  find 
them  in  a  book  written  before  Persian  influence  could 
make  itself  felt,  and  in  the  description  of  Babylonian 
institutions.65  There  is  much  more  reason  for  expecting 
Babylonian  words,  and  yet  the  number  of  words  of 
Babylonian  origin  is  exceedingly  small.66  (2)  The  pres- 
ence of  at  least  three  Greek  words,  names  of  musical 
instruments,  has  long  been  recognized  even  by  those  who 

61  An  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  321,  322. 

62  The  bilingual  character  of  the  book  is  discussed  at  some  length  in 
an  appendix  at  the  close  of  this  chapter.     The  presence  of  the  two 
languages  has  no  special  bearing  on  the  question  of  date. 

63  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  501. 

64  It  is  only  natural  that  Persian  influence  should  reveal  itself  in 
Chronicles,  Ezra-Nehemiah,  and  Esther. 

85  The  inscriptions  coming  from  the  age  of  Nebuchadnezzar  and  his 
successors  reveal  no  trace  of  such  influence.  Is  it  probable  that  Hebrew 
would  yield  more  readily?  Compare  A.  H.  Sayce,  The  Higher  Criticism 
and  the  Monuments,  pp.  493,  494. 

••  A.  A.  Bevan,  The  Book  of  Daniel,  p.  40. 

269 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

defend  the  traditional  date  of  Daniel.67  Though  it  has 
been  asserted  that  these  words  might  easily  have  reached 
Babylonia  five  or  six  centuries  before  the  opening  of  the 
Christian  era,  there  is  no  evidence  to  support  the  assump- 
tion; while  their  use  is  readily  accounted  for  on  the 
supposition  that  the  book  was  written  after  the  dissemina- 
tion of  Greek  influence  as  a  result  of  the  conquests  of 
Alexander  the  Great.68  (3)  The  Aramaic  of  Daniel  is 
the  Western  Aramaic,  that  is,  the  Aramaic  spoken,  not  in 
Mesopotamia,  but  in  Palestine  and  the  surrounding  dis- 
tricts.69 It  represents  a  somewhat  earlier  type  than  the 
language  of  the  Targums  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan  ;70  it 
is  closely  related  to  the  Aramaic  of  the  Palmyrene  and 
Nabatean  inscriptions,71  and  is  practically  identical  with 
the  Aramaic  of  the  book  of  Ezra.72  The  Aramaic  sec- 
tions, therefore,  might  have  been  written  any  time  be- 
tween about  B.  C.  400  and  the  opening  of  the  Christian 
era.  (4)  In  considering  the  character  of  the  Hebrezv 
of  Daniel  it  is  well  to  remember  that  "the  presence  of 
late  phrases  is  always  an  argument  in  favor  of  a  late 

67  They  are  all  found  in  Dan.  3.    5,  kaither os  =  KiOapts.    psanterin  = 
^aXriJpioj',  sumpdnyah  =  ffvn<f><avLo.t 

68  That  is,  after  B.  C.  332.     The  change  from  /  to  n,  psalterion  to 
psanterin,  is  thought  to  show  the  influence  of  the  Macedonian  dialect, 
which,  again,  would  favor  the  later  date. 

69  It  has  numerous  resemblances  with  the  Aramaic  of  the  Elephantine 
Papyri,  but  the  differences  are  at  least  equally  numerous  and,  perhaps, 
more  striking.     See  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction^  Revised  Edition,  pp. 

5H,  515. 

70  Though  these  Targums  embody  earlier  material,  they  did  not 
reach  their  final  form  until  the  fourth  or  fifth  century  A.  D. 

71  From  the  third  century  B.  C.  to  the  second  century  A.  D. 

72  Certainly  not  earlier  than  B.  C.  450,  and  in  all  probability  much 
later.    Bevan  considers  the  Aramaic  of  Ezra  to  have  been,  in  the  main, 
"the  dialect  spoken  by  the  Jews  of  Palestine  in  the  third  century 
B.  C." 

270 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

date,"  while  "the  absence  of  such  phrases  is  no  proof 
whatsoever  of  antiquity."73  In  other  words,  a  late  pro- 
duction, the  work  of  a  skillful  imitator,  may  preserve 
numerous  early  characteristics ;  but  an  early  writer  is  not 
able  to  use  expressions  or  constructions  originating  in  a 
much  later  age.  Now,  there  can  be  no  question  that  lin- 
guistically and  stylistically  Daniel  differs  materially  from 
the  writings  of  the  exilic  and  early  postexilic  period.  In 
its  main  features  it  agrees  with  the  latest  historical  prose 
of  the  Old  Testament,  and  in  certain  details  it  approaches 
the  "new"  Hebrew  of  the  Mishna  and  other  parts  of  the 
Talmud.74  Driver  is  undoubtedly  right  when  he  says 
that  the  Hebrew  of  Daniel  resembles  in  all  essential  feat- 
ures, "not  the  Hebrew  of  Ezekiel,  or  even  of  Haggai  and 
Zechariah,  but  that  of  the  age  subsequent  to  Nehemiah." 

The  same  writer  sums  up  the  argument  based  upon  the 
linguistic  characteristics  of  the  book  in  these  words : 
"The  Persian  words  presuppose  a  period  after  the  Per- 
sian empire  had  been  well, established;  the  Greek  words 
demand,  the  Hebrew  supports,  and  the  Aramaic  permits, 
a  date  after  the  conquest  of  Palestine  by  Alexander  the 
Great  (B.  C.  332).  With  our  present  knowledge  this 
is  as  much  as  the  language  authorizes  us  definitely  to 
affirm;  though  av^uvia,  as  the  name  of  an  instrument 
(considering  the  history  of  the  term  in  Greek),  would 
seem  to  point  to  a  date  somewhat  advanced  in  the  Greek 
period."75 

4.  The  theological  ideas  of  the  book.    The  teaching  of 

7*  A.  A.  Bevan,  The  Book  of  Daniel,  p.  28. 

74  The  linguistic  peculiarities  of  Daniel  are  considered  at  some  length 
in  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament, 
pp.  504-508;  A.  A.  Bevan,  The  Book  of  Daniel,  pp.  28-33. 

76  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  508;  The  Book 
of  Daniel,  p.  Ixiii. 

271 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

the  book  of  Daniel  is  discussed  more  fully  later  on;76 
here  it  may  be  sufficient  to  call  attention  to  the  more  im- 
portant theological  ideas  and  conceptions  peculiar  to 
Daniel,  which  have  a  bearing  on  the  question  of  date. 
Generally  speaking,  the  theology  of  Daniel  is  very  late; 
in  several  matters  it  reflects  a  more  advanced  stage  of 
development  than  is  seen  anywhere  else  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. The  transcendence  of  God  is  constantly  empha- 
sized.77 As  God  is  exalted,  angels  become  more  neces- 
sary as  mediators  between  God  and  man;  hence  angels 
constitute  a  striking  feature  of  the  book.  Nowhere  else 
in  the  Old  Testament  appear  patron  angels  determining 
the  destiny  of  nations,  or  distinction  in  rank  among 
angels,  or  angels  bearing  proper  names.  The  views  of 
life  after  death,  resurrection,  reward  and  punishment, 
are  also  in  advance  of  other  Old  Testament  teaching.  In 
the  words  of  E.  L.  Curtis :  "While  the  determination  of 
the  date  of  an  Old  Testament  writing  from  its  religious 
doctrines  is  always  a  delicate  procedure,  yet,  as  far  as 
doctrinal  development  can  be  found  in  the  Old  Testament, 
the  book  of  Daniel  conies  after  all  the  other  Old  Testa- 
ment writings,  and  approximates  most  closely  to  the 
Jewish  literature  of  the  first  century  B.  C."78 

Summing  up  the  evidence  presented  thus  far,  it  would 
seem  that  all  of  it,  without  a  single  exception,  points  to 
a  date  not  earlier  than  B.  C.  300,  while  most  of  it  points 
strongly  to  a  date  after  B.  C.  200,  during  the  reign  of 

78  See  below,  pp.  279-281. 

"He  is  frequently  called  "the  God  of  heaven,"  2.  18,  19;  and  once 
"heaven"  is  used  almost  as  a  synonym  of  God,  4.  26;  compare  Luke 
15.  18. 

78  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  article  "Daniel,  Book  of."  A 
more  elaborate  discussion  of  this  subject  may  be  found  in  S.  R.  Driver, 
The  Book  of  Daniel,  pp.  Ixiii-lxv. 

272 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

Antiochus  Epiphanes.  The  exact  date  during  that  reign 
can,  perhaps,  not  be  determined,  but  there  are  some  indi- 
cations which  fix  it  within  narrow  limits.  As  has  been 
pointed  out,  the  author  betrays  familiarity  with  the  Mac- 
cabean  revolt  and  with  the  early  Maccabean  triumphs ;  on 
the  other  hand,  the  cleansing  of  the  temple,  which  took 
place  in  December  165,  was  still  in  the  future,79  as  also 
the  death  of  Antiochus.80  Consequently,  a  date  between 
B.  C.  167  and  165  would  satisfy  most  completely  all  the 
evidence  in  the  case. 

The  significance  of  the  appearance  of  Daniel  in  the 
midst  of  the  Maccabean  struggles  is  well  brought  out 
by  R.  H.  Charles:  "At  last  the  anguish  of  the  faithful 
Jews  became  unendurable,  and  an  insurrection  burst  forth 
at  Modein,  under  the  leadership  of  Mattathias  and  his 
five  stalwart  sons.  All  that  were  zealous  for  the  Law  and 
the  Covenant  speedily  joined  them,  and  amongst  these 
notably  the  Hasidim,  or  the  league  of  the  pious  ones. 
This  small  body  of  Jews  met  with  many  marvelous  suc- 
cesses. Notwithstanding,  in  the  face  of  the  vast  forces 
of  Syria,  the  Jews  could  repose  no  hope  in  their  own 
powers.  If  they  were  to  succeed  it  could  not  be  in  reli- 
ance on  the  arm  of  flesh.  Now,  it  was  just  at  this  crisis, 
this  hour  of  mingled  hope  and  despair,  that  the  book  of 
Daniel  appeared  with  its  sword-edge  utterance,  its  pierc- 
ing exhortation  to  endure  in  the  face  of  the  despot,  and 
its  promise,  full  of  divine  joy,  of  near  and  full  salvation. 
No  dew  of  heaven  could  fall  with  more  refreshing  cool- 
ness on  the  parched  ground,  no  spark  from  above  alight 
with  a  more  kindling  power  on  the  surface  so  long  heated 
with  a  hidden  glow.  With  winged  brevity  the  book  gives 

79  Dan,  8.  14. 

80  Dan.  ii.  45. 

273 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

a  complete  survey  of  the  history  of  the  kingdom  of  God 
upon  earth,  showing  the  relations  which  it  had  hitherto 
sustained  in  Israel  to  the  successive  great  heathen  empires 
of  the  Chaldeans,  Medo-Persians,  and  Greeks — in  a  word, 
toward  the  heathenism  which  ruled  the  world;  and  with 
the  finest  perception  it  describes  the  nature  and  individual 
career  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  his  immediate  prede- 
cessors, so  far  as  was  possible  in  view  of  the  great  events 
which  had  just  occurred.  Rarely  does  it  happen  that  a 
book  appears  as  this  did,  in  the  very  crisis  of  the  times, 
and  in  a  form  most  suited  to  such  an  age,  artificially 
reserved,  close  and  severe,  and  yet  shedding  so  clear  a 
light  through  obscurity,  and  so  marvelously  captivating. 
It  was  natural  that  it  should  soon  achieve  a  success 
entirely  corresponding  with  its  inner  truth  and  glory. 
And  so,  for  the  last  time  in  the  literature  of  the  Old 
Testament,  we  have  in  this  book  an  example  of  a  work 
which,  having  sprung  from  the  deepest  necessities  of  the 
noblest  impulses  of  the  age,  can  render  to  that  age  the 
purest  service;  and  which,  by  the  development  of  events 
immediately  after,  receives  with  such  power  the  stamp 
of  divine  witness  that  it  subsequently  attains  imperishable 
sanctity."81 

Design  and  Purpose.  The  book  of  Daniel  belongs  to 
the  apocalyptic  literature.  Apocalyptic  elements  are 
found  also  in  other  Old  Testament  writings,82  but  Daniel 
is  the  principal  representative  of  this  kind  of  literature 
in  the  Old  Testament,  and  as  such  has  exerted  a  marked 
influence  on  many  subsequent  writings  both  Jewish  and 
Christian.  The  apocalyptic  literature  may  be  regarded 


81  The  Book  of  Daniel,  pp.  x,  xi,  quoted  in  part  from  Ewald. 

82  Notably  Isa.  24-27;  Zech.  9-14;  Joel,  Chapter  3;  Ezek,  38ff.,  etc. 

274 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

as  the  latest  form  of  prophetic  writing  among  the  Jews. 
Like  the  prophet,  the  apocalyptic  writer  sought  to  set 
forth  the  character,  will,  and  purpose  of  God,  as  also  the 
nature  and  laws  of  his  kingdom;  but  there  is  a  funda- 
mental difference  between  the  two  in  their  attitude  toward 
their  own  day  and  generation.  Says  R.  H.  Charles : 
"Prophecy  still  believes  that  this  world  is  God's  world, 
and  that  in  this  world  his  goodness  and  truth  will  yet 
be  justified.  Hence  the  prophet  addresses  himself  chiefly 
to  the  present  and  its  concerns,  and  when  he  addresses 
himself  to  the  future,  his  prophecy  springs  naturally  from 
the  present,  and  the  future  which  he  predicts  is  regarded 
as  in  organic  connection  with  it.  The  apocalyptic  writer, 
on  the  other  hand,  almost  wholly  despairs  of  the  present ; 
his  main  interests  are  supramundane."83  As  a  result 
the  apocalyptic  literature  dwells  more  upon  the  triumph 
of  the  kingdom  of  God  in  the  coming  age.84  Closely 
connected  with  this  hope  of  the  ultimate  triumph  of  God 
are  two  other  thoughts  that  are  made  prominent  in  Jewish 
apocalyptic  writings,  namely,  (i)  the  idea  of  a  world 
judgment,  which  will  mark  the  downfall  of  evil  and  the 
exaltation  of  right,  and  (2)  the  hope  of  a  resurrection 
from  the  dead,  so  that  even  those  who  have  already  died 
may  receive  their  proper  dues. 

If  the  book  of  Daniel  is  an  apocalypse,  the  absence 
of  the  name  of  the  author  and  the  ascription  to  a  promi- 
nent person  in  earlier  Jewish  history  is  easily  explained, 
for  pseudonymous  authorship  is  another  characteristic 


83  Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  article  "Apocalyptic  Literature." 
A  full  discussion  of  "Prophecy  and  Apocalyptic"  is  found  in  the  same 
author's  Eschatology,  2d  ed.,  pp.  I73ff. 

"Hence  the  designation  "apocalyptic,"  that  is,  the  literature  that 
"makes  known  what  is  hidden"  from  the  eyes  of  common  men. 

275 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

mark  of  apocalyptic  literature.85  The  author  of  an 
apocalypse  ordinarily  places  "in  the  mouth  of  some 
ancient  worthy  a  history  of  events  up  to  the  author's 
own  time,  followed  by  a  description  of  God's  judgment 
on  the  wicked  and  deliverance  of  his  people."86 

While  apocalyptic  literature  seeks  to  trace  the  course 
of  events  up  to  the  author's  own  time,  the  purpose  of 
an  apocalypse  is  not  historical  but  didactic ;  the  author  is 
interested  in  history  only  in  so  far  as  he  can  draw  from 
it  certain  lessons  which  he  desires  to  teach.  This  is  true 
of  the  book  of  Daniel.  Says  a  recent  writer,  one  who 
believes  that  Daniel  himself  is  the  author :  "It  is  primarily 
neither  prophetic  nor  historic.  It  is  designed,  rather,  to 
show  how  God  cares  for  his  people  even  when  everything 
seems  against  them/'87  The  scholars  who  assign  the 
book  to  the  period  between  B.  C.  167  and  165  are  equally 
positive  in  their  assertion  that  the  primary  purpose  of 
the  book  is  didactic:  "Its  object  was  to  sustain  the  tried 
and  tempted  faith  of  the  loyal  Jews  under  the  fierce 
assaults  made  upon  it  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  .  .  .  The 
author  reminds  his  readers  that  there  is  a  God  in  heaven, 
and  that  he  reigns.  He  bids  them  lift  their  eyes  to  the 
past  and  shows  them  how  the  fidelity  of  men  like  Daniel 
and  his  friends  was  rewarded  by  deliverance  from  the 
lions  and  the  flames.  He  bids  them  lift  their  eyes  to 
the  future,  the  very  near  future :  let  them  only  be  patient 
a  little  longer,  and  their  enemies  will  be  crushed  and 


86  Compare,  for  example,  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch,  the  Ascension  of 
Isaiah,  the  Assumption  of  Moses,  the  Book  of  Enoch,  etc. 

86  For  an  explanation  of  this  pseudonymity,  see  R.  H.  Charles,  Escha- 
tology,  2d  ed.,  pp.  I96ff.;  The  Book  of  Daniel,  pp.  xiv-xvi. 

87  J.  W.  Beardslee,  Outlines  of  an  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament, 
p.  200. 

276 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

the  kingdom  of  God  will  come — that  kingdom  which 
shall  know  no  end."88 

The  classification  of  the  book  as  primarily  didactic 
suggests  a  question  as  to  the  amount  of  historical  ma- 
terial used  by  the  author.  On  this  question  scholars  differ 
widely,  some  holding  that  the  narratives  are  throughout 
a  work  of  the  imagination,  others,  that  the  book  rests 
upon  a  traditional  basis,  and  that  the  traditions  used  by 
the  author  contain  a  substantial  historical  nucleus.  Now, 
it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  "fiction,  even  fiction  without 
any  foundation  of  fact  whatever,  has  played  an  important 
part  in  the  education  of  humanity;  and  religious  fiction, 
written  with  a  didactic  purpose,  has  in  both  ancient  and 
modern  times  been  valued  by  teachers  as  a  powerful 
instrument  of  edification,  and  has  won  a  remarkable 
amount  of  popular  appreciation."  Hence,  even  if  all  the 
narratives  in  the  book  were  regarded  a  work  of  the 
imagination,  it  would  still  be  of  the  highest  religious  and 
ethical  significance.89  Nevertheless,  it  is  at  least  possible 
that  the  author  depended  for  some  of  his  information 
on  reliable  tradition.  "It  is  probable  that  Daniel  was 
one  of  the  Jewish  exiles  in  Babylon,  who,  with  his  three 
companions,  was  noted  for  his  staunch  adherence  to  the 
principles  of  his  religion,  who  attained  a  position  of 
influence  at  the  court,  and  who  perhaps  also  foretold 
something  of  the  future  fate  of  the  Chaldean  and  Per- 
sian empires.  The  traditions  relating  to  him  were  com- 
bined with  those  which  reached  the  author  respecting 
the  public  events  of  Daniel's  time,  and  developed  by  him 
into  the  existing  narratives,  with  a  special  view  to  the 

88  J.  E.  McFadyen,  An  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  329,  330. 

89  See  also,  above,  p.  158;  and  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Minor  Prophets, 
PP-  318-320;  338-340;  F.  W.  Farrar,  The  Book  of  Daniel,  pp.  3,  4. 

277 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

circumstances  of  his  own  age.  .  .  .  90  The  incidents  of 
Daniel's  life  are  not  narrated  for  their  own  sakes,  but 
for  the  sake  of  inculcating  certain  lessons,  to  magnify 
the  God  of  Daniel,  and  to  show  that  he,  by  his  providence, 
frustrates  the  purposes  of  the  proudest  of  earthly  mon- 
archs,  while  he  defends  and  rewards  his  servants,  who  in 
time  of  danger  or  temptation  cleave  to  him  faithfully. 
.  .  .  The  general  aim  of  the  visions  attributed  to  Daniel 
in  Chapters  7-12  is  to  show,  with  increasing  detail  and 
distinctness,  that  as  the  course  of  history,  so  far  as  it  has 
hitherto  gone,  has  been  in  accordance  with  God's  pre- 
determined plan,  so  it  is  not  less  part  of  his  plan  that  the 
trial  of  the  saints  should  not  continue  indefinitely,  but 
that  within  three  years  and  a  half  of  the  time  when  the 
persecuting  measures  of  Antiochus  first  began  it  should 
reach  its  appointed  term.  God,  in  other  words,  was 
guiding  the  whole  course  of  history  toward  the  salvation 
of  his  people."91 

Teaching.  The  principal  idea  of  the  book  is  the  ulti- 
mate triumph  of  the  kingdom  of  God.  "It  tells,"  says 
Beardslee,  "in  plainer  language  than  had  been  used  be- 

90  Traditions  concerning  an  ancient  hero  of  the  faith  named  Daniel 
may  have  constituted  another  source  from  which  the  author  derived 
some  material.    This  Daniel  is  referred  to  in  Ezek.  14.  14,  20  and  28.  3 
as  a  model  of  righteousness  and  wisdom.    Since  the  two  chapters  are 
dated  in  B.  C.  594  and  588  respectively,  that  is,  before  Daniel's  fame 
could  spread  far,  and  since  Daniel  is  named  with  two  patriarchs  of 
antiquity,  it  is  not  probable  that  the  Daniel  named  in  Ezekiel  is  the 
hero  of  the  book  of  Daniel,  a  younger  contemporary  of  the  prophet.    It 
may  well  be  that  there  were  current  in  Israel  traditions  concerning  an 
early  patriarch  Daniel,  who  was  renowned  for  righteousness  and  wis- 
dom, and  that  the  author  of  Daniel  used  some  of  these  traditions.  See 
A.  A.  Bevan,   The  Book  of  Daniel,  pp.   12,  25;  and  C.  Steuernagel, 
Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  p.  653. 

91  S.  R.  Driver,  The  Book  of  Daniel,  pp.  Ixviiiff.;  G.  B.  Gray,  A  Criti- 
cal Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  238. 

278 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

fore,  of  the  subjection  of  the  world  to  God,  and  indicates 
clearly  the  evidence  of  the  divine  rule,  and  assures  us  that 
the  progress  of  God's  kingdom  is  absolutely  irresistible 
and  that  all  things  will  be  ultimately  brought  into  sub- 
mission to  God."92 

Earlier  prophets  looked  with  equal  assurance  for  the 
establishment  of  the  kingdom  of  God,  when  the  divine 
will  and  purpose  would  be  realized  in  every  detail  of 
life;  and,  like  these  prophets,  the  author  of  the  book  of 
Daniel  expected  the  reign  of  righteousness  to  begin  im- 
mediately after  the  great  crisis  during  which  he  lived 
would  be  over.  However,  the  description  of  the  kingdom 
in  Daniel  differs  in  some  respects  from  that  of  earlier 
writers,  as  is  natural  in  view  of  the  apocalyptic  character 
of  the  book  as  a  whole.93  The  kingdom  of  God  for 
which  the  earlier  prophets  looked  was  an  earthly  king- 
dom, "little  more  than  a  continuance  of  the  existing  state 
of  society,  only  purged  by  a  judgment  from  sin,  and 
freed  from  trouble."  The  book  of  Daniel  marks  a  transi- 
tion from  this  to  the  idea  of  a  heavenly  kingdom,  which 
appears  more  prominently  in  later  apocalyptic  and  New 
Testament  writings.94 

The  teaching  of  the  book  of  Daniel  concerning  angels 
marks  a  distinct  advance  over  teaching  found  in  other 
parts  of  the  Old  Testament,  along  three  lines :  ( i )  The 
doctrine  of  guardian  or  patron  angels,  determining  the 
destinies  of  separate  nations,  appears  here  for  the  first 
time  in  definite  form.95  (2)  For  the  first  time  names  are 


«  Outlines  of  an  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  200. 
M  See  above,  p.  275. 
M  See  especially  Dan.  7.  9-14. 

w  The  angels  of  Persia,  Greece,  and  Judah  are  mentioned  in  Dan. 
10.  13,  20,  21 ;  12.  i. 

279 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

given  to  angels.  The  guardian  angel  of  the  Jews  is 
Michael,96  who  fights  for  them  against  the  guardian 
angels  of  their  enemies,  and  Gabriel  appears  as  a  heaven- 
sent interpreter.97  (3)  Distinction  in  rank  among  angels 
also  appears  first  in  Daniel.  Michael  is  called  "the  great 
prince,"98  and  "one  of  the  chief  princes."99  The  latter 
expression  seems  to  refer  to  a  group  of  superior  angels, 
to  whom  at  a  later  time  the  title  archangels  is  given.100 

The  hope  of  a  resurrection  is  the  other  element  in  the 
teaching  of  Daniel  demanding  attention.  Dan.  12.  2  con- 
tains the  most  definite  reference  to  resurrection  in  the 
entire  Old  Testament.  The  general  Old  Testament  con- 
ception of  life  or  existence  after  death  is  hazy,  and  on 
the  whole,  gloomy  and  full  of  despair.101  The  dead  are 
represented  as  gathering  in  Sheol,  where  they  live  a 
"shadowy,  half -conscious,  joyless  existence,  not  worthy 
of  the  name  of  life,  where  communion  with  God  was  at 
an  end,  and  where  God's  mercies  could  be  neither  appre- 
hended nor  acknowledged."  But  here  and  there  rays 
of  light  appear.  Sometimes  the  hope  is  expressed  that 
God  will  deliver  his  saints  from  death  ;102  at  other  times 
that  they  will  be  raised  from  the  dead.103  To  the  latter 
class  belongs  Dan.  12.  2,  which  adds  two  ideas  to  the 
earlier  teaching :  ( i )  the  resurrection  of  the  wicked, 
which  is  clearly  taught  here  for  the  first  time;  and  (2) 

96 10.  13,  21 ;  12.  i. 

97  8.  16;  9.  21. 

98  12.  I. 

99  10.  13. 

100  Compare  Jude  9.    In  some  of  the  later  Jewish  writings  four  such 
angels  are  mentioned,  in  others,  seven.     The  seven  angels  that  stand 
before  God  appear  also  in  Rev.  8.  2. 

101  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Christian  View  of  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  184-187. 

102  For  example,  Psalm  16.  8-11. 

103  For  example,  Job  19.  25-27;  Isa.  26.  19;  Dan.  12.  2. 


THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

the  doctrine  of  future  rewards  and  punishments,  though 
the  nature  of  these  rewards  and  punishments  is  left  in- 
definite. 

But  even  with  these  additional  elements  certain  limita- 
tions remain :  ( i )  The  context  makes  it  doubtful  that  the 
author  meant  to  include  non-Israelites  in  the  promise  of 
a  resurrection.  Throughout  the  book  he  is  concerned 
with  the  deliverance  and  exaltation  of  the  oppressed 
Jews ;  hence  it  is  most  natural  to  interpret  the  references 
in  Chapter  12  also  as  applying  only  to  the  Jews.  (2) 
The  expression  "many  of  them  that  sleep  in  the  dust 
of  the  earth  shall  awake"  seems  to  imply  that  not  even 
all  Israelites  will  be  raised  from  the  dead.  As  is  sug- 
gested by  several  commentators,  the  writer  may  have  had 
in  mind  only  "those  individuals  who  had  in  an  extraordi- 
nary degree  helped  or  hindered  the  advent  of  God's  king- 
dom, that  is,  the  Jewish  martyrs  and  apostates  respec- 
tively; the  great  majority  of  the  nation,  who  were  of 
average  character,  neither  overmuch  righteous  nor  over- 
much wicked,  remaining  still  in  Sheol." 

It  may  be  stated,  in  conclusion,  that  the  teaching  and 
permanent  significance  of  the  book  are  in  no  wise  affected 
by  any  particular  view  regarding  its  date  or  authorship. 
The  testimony  of  Professor  Terry,  given  after  a  study 
of  the  book  during  a  period  extending  over  more  than 
thirty  years,  is  not  without  weight  in  this  connection. 
Speaking  of  himself  in  the  third  person,  he  says:  "He 
has  found  few  portions  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  more 
profitable  for  devout  study,  and  he  here  repeats  what 
he  had  published  elsewhere,  and  uttered  time  and  again, 
that  whatever  may  be  the  results  of  scientific  criticism 
touching  the  date  and  authorship  of  the  book,  the  apoca- 
lyptic chapters  constitute  a  most  original  and  important 

281 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

body  of  divine  revelation.  Whether  written  during  the 
exile  or  in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  they  contain  a  pic- 
ture of  the  kingdoms  of  the  world,  and  their  ultimate 
subjection  to  the  kingdom  of  God,  worthy  of  rank  with 
any  prophecies  to  be  found  in  Hebrew  Scriptures."104 
104  Methodist  Review,  January,  1902,  p.  128. 


282 


APPENDIX  TO  CHAPTER  XI 

THE  BILINGUAL  CHARACTER  OF  THE  BOOK 
OF  DANIEL 


DANIEL  i.  i  to  2.  43  and  Chapters  8  to  12  are  written  in 
Hebrew,  2.  4b  to  7.  28  in  Aramaic.105  A  similar  change 
in  language  occurs  in  Ezra,  Ezra  4.  8  to  6.  18  and  7.  12-26 
being  in  Aramaic,  the  rest  in  Hebrew.  But  while  in  Ezra 
a  change  in  subject-matter  accounts  for  the  change  in  lan- 
guage, no  such  explanation  can  be  offered  in  the  case  of 
Daniel.  Had  the  change  been  introduced  at  the  end  of 
Chapter  6,  which  marks  the  close  of  the  narrative  section, 
the  difficulty  would  not  be  so  great,  but  there  seems  to  be 
no  good  reason  for  the  break  at  the  end  of  Chapter  7. 

How  is  the  bilingual  character  of  the  book  to  be  ex- 
plained ?106  The  following  are  the  more  important  explana- 
tions proposed: 

i.  Some  have  thought  that  Aramaic  was  used  in  the  sec- 
tions dealing  with  Babylonia  because  it  was  the  language 
of  that  country.  But  (i)  the  Aramaic  of  Daniel  was  not 
the  language  of  Babylonia  either  during  the  exile  or  during 
the  decades  following;  (2)  on  that  basis  it  would  be  diffi- 

106  A  more  accurate  characterization  of  the  language  is  that  of  Steuer- 
nagel,  who  describes  the  language  of  I.  I  to  2.  4a  as  Aramaicized  He- 
brew, that  of  2.  4b  to  6.  29  (in  English,  6.  28)  as  pure  Aramaic,  that  of 
Chapter  7  as  Hebraized  Aramaic,  and  that  of  Chapters  8  to  12  as 
relatively  pure  Hebrew. 

106  That  it  is  not  easy  to  find  a  satisfactory  answer  may  be  inferred 
from  the  wide  divergence  of  opinion  among  scholars.  Thus,  the  view 
which  appeals  to  a  cautious  scholar  like  Driver  as  "relatively  the  best" 
(The  Book  of  Daniel,  p.  xxii)  is  declared  by  Steuernagel  to  be  the  least 
satisfactory.  (Einletiung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  p.  658.) 

283 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

cult  to  explain  why  Chapter  7,  for  example,  should  be  in 
Aramaic  and  Chapter  8  in  Hebrew. 

2.  Others  have  explained  the  difference  in  language  by 
assuming  diversity  of  authorship.  According  to  Meinhold, 
2.  4b  to  6.  29  (in  English  6.  28)  was  written  in  Aramaic 
about  B.  C.  300;  somewhat  later  Chapter  7,  also  in  Aramaic, 
was  added  as  an  appendix;  during  the  Maccabean  period 
another  writer  accommodated  the  earlier  narratives  to  the 
needs  of  his  own  age,  prefixed  i.  i  to  2.  43  as  a  suitable 
introduction,  and  then  wrote,  chiefly  on  the  basis  of  Chap- 
ters 2  and  7,  the  visions  in  Chapters  8  to  i2.107  But  (i) 
is  it  probable  that  2.  4b  to  6.  29  ever  existed  without  an 
introduction?  (2)  The  use  of  Aramaic  in  Chapter  7,  which 
is  certainly  more  closely  connected  with  Chapter  8  than  with 
Chapter  6,  would  remain  unexplained;  and  (3)  there  are 
too  many  bonds  of  unity  between  the  narrative  and  the 
vision  chapters  to  give  any  degree  of  probability  to  the 
theory  of  diversity  of  authorship. 

The  unity  of  the  book  has  been  questioned  also  on  other 
grounds,  most  recently  by  C.  C.  Torrey  and  C.  F.  Kent,108 
who  assign  chapters  i  to  6,  the  narrative  sections,  to  one 
author  and  Chapters  7  to  12,  the  vision  sections,  to  another, 
for  the  following  reasons:  (i)  Fundamental  differences 
in  diction  and  style;  (2)  while  Chapters  i  to  6  contain  both 
Persian  and  Greek  words,  the  remaining  chapters  have 
none;  (3)  differences  in  the  characterization  of  Daniel; 
(4)  differences  in  contents:  one  has  stories,  the  other 
visions;  (5)  chronological  differences;109  (6)  Chapters  i 
to  6  contain  no  references  or  allusions  to  Antiochus 


107  Das  Buck  Daniel,  in  Kurzgefasster  Kommentar;  for  other  forms  of 
fundamentally  the  same  view,  see  G.  Dalman,   The  Words  of  Jesus, 
p.  13;  H.  Preiswerk,  Der  Sprachenwechsel  im  Buck  Daniel. 

108  The  former  in  Transactions  of  the  Connecticut  Academy  of  Arts  and 
Sciences,  XV,  pp.  241-282;  the  latter  in  Sermons,  Epistles,  and  Apoca- 
lypses of  Israel's  Prophets,  pp.  34,  35. 

109  Compare  i.  21  with  n.  i. 

284 


BILINGUAL  CHARACTER  OF  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

Epiphanes,  who  is  the  central  figure  in  the  remaining  chap- 
ters. On  the  basis  of  historical  allusions  in  Chapter  2 
they  assign  the  narrative  portions  to  the  period  between 
B.  C.  245  and  225  ;  Chapters  7  to  12  they  assign  to  B..C.  166. 

These  objections  are  not  convincing.  That  a  close  con- 
nection exists  between  the  two  sections  is  recognized  even 
by  Kent,  for  he  admits  that  the  author  of  the  visions  made 
use  of  the  narrative  sections,  that  the  visions  are  distrib- 
uted through  the  reigns  of  the  same  kings  as  the  stories, 
and  that  the  later  writer  deliberately  bound  the  two  parts 
closely  together.  Moreover,  there  is  no  good  reason  why 
one  and  the  same  author  should  not  employ  both  stories  and 
visions  for  didactic  purposes;  if  he  did,  differences  in  dic- 
tion and  style  might  be  expected.  Besides,  there  are  in  both 
parts  the  same  conceptions  of  the  Median  kingdom  and  of 
Belshazzar,  there  is  the  same  underlying  purpose,  and,  with 
all  the  minor  differences,  there  is  a  remarkable  similarity 
of  style.  "No  attentive  reader,"  says  Kamphausen,  "will 
allow  himself  to  be  misled  as  to  the  oneness  of  the  author- 
ship of  the  book  by  the  fragmentary  or  detached  character 
of  the  ten  pieces  of  which  it  is  composed,  if  he  attentively 
observes  how  the  earlier  portions  allude  to  the  later,  and 
conversely,  how  the  later  portions  attach  themselves  to  the 
earlier,  and  how  the  same  general  manner  of  presentation, 
thought  and  language  pervades  the  whole."110 

3.  A  third  theory,  which  is  considered  by  Driver  "rela- 
tively the  best,"  is  expressed  by  Kamphausen  in  these 
words :  "In  Chapter  2  the  author  has  introduced  the  'Chal- 
deans' as  speaking  in  the  language  which  he  believed  to  be 
customary  with  them;  afterward  he  continues  to  use  the 
same  language  on  account  of  its  greater  convenience  both 
for  himself  and  for  his  original  readers,  both  in  the  narra- 
tive portions  and  in  the  following  (seventh)  chapter,  the 
piece  in  companionship  to  Chapter  2;  for  the  last  three 

110 Encyclopedia  Biblica,  article  "Daniel";  compare  also  G.  B.  Gray, 
A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  236,  237. 

285 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

visions  (8-12)  a  return  to  Hebrew  was  suggested  by  the 
consideration  that  this  had  been  from  of  old  the  usual 
sacred  language  for  prophetic  subjects."111  But,  (i)  is 
it  conceivable  that  the  author  believed  western  Aramaic 
to  have  been  the  language  of  the  Babylonian  court?112  (2) 
The  use  of  Aramaic  beyond  the  words  of  the  Chaldeans 
receives  no  adequate  explanation.  (3)  If  Aramaic  was 
the  language  of  the  Jews  in  the  days  of  the  author,  why 
should  he  introduce  it  as  the  language  of  the  "Chaldeans"  ? 
(4)  The  differences  between  the  Aramaic  of  Chapters  2 
to  6  and  of  Chapter  7  receive  no  satisfactory  explanation. 

4.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  narratives  were  intended 
for  the  people,  hence  they  were  written  in  Aramaic,  the 
language  of  the  people;  on  the  other  hand,  the  visions  were 
intended  for  the  learned,  hence  they  were  written  in  He- 
brew, the  language  of  the  learned.    If  so,  i.  1-2.  4a  would 
be  a  translation  from  Aramaic  into  Hebrew,  and  Chapter  7 
from  Hebrew  into  Aramaic,  which  might  account  for  the 
peculiarities  in  the  Hebrew  of  the  former  and  in  the  Ara- 
maic of  the  latter.     The  Aramaicized  Hebrew  of  i.  i  to 
2.  4a  might  have  been  produced  in  the  course  of  the  trans- 
lation of  the  passage  from  Aramaic  into  Hebrew,  and  the 
Hebraized  Aramaic  of  Chapter  7  in  the  course  of  the  trans- 
lation from  Hebrew  into  Aramaic.     But  (i)  why  did  the 
translator  stop  at  2.  4a,  and  (2),  why  was  Chapter  7  singled 
out  for  translation  into  Aramaic  ? 

5.  A  still  different  view,  favored  by  a  considerable  group 
of  modern  writers,   is  that  the  entire  book  was  written 
originally  in  Hebrew.    Since  the  book  was  intended,  not  for 
a  select  few,  but  for  the  people  as  a  whole,  since  it  was 
the  wish  of  the  author  to  produce  an  immediate  and  power- 

111  Encyclopedia  Biblica,  article  "Daniel." 

112  Compare  i.  4,  "the  tongue  of  the  Chaldeans."    As  has  been  sug- 
gested above,  p.  267,  the  phrase  "in  Aramaic"  is  probably  a  gloss, 
placed  originally  in  the  margin  to  indicate  the  beginning  of  the  Aramaic 
section,  and  transferred  from  there  by  accident  to  the  text. 

286 


BILINGUAL  CHARACTER  OF  BOOK  OF  DANIEL 

ful  effect,  and  since  Aramaic,  not  Hebrew,  was  the  language 
of  the  people,  a  translation  into  the  vernacular  was  made 
either  by  the  author  himself  or  by  one  of  his  associates. 
Later  a  portion  of  the  Hebrew  text  was  lost ;  and  since  no 
other  Hebrew  copy  was  available  in  the  district  where  this 
happened,  the  missing  sections  were  supplied  from  the 
Aramaic  translation.113  This  theory  also  is  open  to  criti- 
cism: (i)  "It  does  not  account  for  two  facts  (which  can 
hardly  both  be  accidental)  that  the  Aramaic  part  begins  in 
Chapter  2  just  where  the  Aramaic  language  is  mentioned, 
and  breaks  off  just  at  the  end  of  a  chapter/'114  (2)  Neither 
the  differences  between  the  Hebrew  of  i.  i  to  2.  4a  and 
Chapters  8  to  12,  nor  the  differences  between  the  Aramaic 
of  2.  4b  to  6.  29  and  Chapter  7  receive  adequate  explanation. 
(3)  The  Aramaic  of  2.  4b  to  6.  29  has  no  earmarks  of 
being  a  translation  from  another  language. 

6.  Over  against  this  view  stands  the  theory  that  the  book 
was  written  in  Aramaic,  and  that  at  a  later  time  the  begin- 
ning and  the  end  were  translated  into  Hebrew.  In  support 
of  the  theory  it  is  pointed  out  that,  while  the  Aramaic 
sections  contain  no  indications  of  having  been  translated 
from  Hebrew,  the  Hebrew  portions  give  evidence  of  strong 
Aramaic  influence.  Moreover,  a  book  written  in  Aramaic 
had  no  chance  of  being  admitted  into  the  canon;  conse- 
quently, to  open  the  way  for  the  admission  of  Daniel,  the 
beginning  and  the  end  were  translated  into  the  sacred  lan- 
guage, which  put  Daniel  in  a  class  with  Ezra.  The  contents 
suggested  a  suitable  stopping  place  at  2.  4a;  and  the  new 
beginning  at  8.  i  was  due  to  the  fact  that  Chapter  9,  which 
is  closely  connected  with  Chapter  8,  already  contained  the 
prayer  of  Daniel  in  Hebrew.115  With  this  theory  also  cer- 
tain questions  remain  unanswered:  (i)  The  linguistic  dif- 


118  A.  A.  Bevan,  The  Book  of  Daniel,  p.  27. 
114  S.  R.  Driver,  The  Book  of  Daniel,  p.  xxii. 
116  K.  Marti,  Das  Buck  Daniel,  p.  x. 

287 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

ferences  between  sections  using  the  same  language  are  not 
explained;  (2)  the  explanation  of  the  beginning  of  the 
translation  at  8.  I  instead  of  7.  i  is  by  no  means  satisfactory ; 
(3)  it  would  have  been  just  as  easy  to  translate  the  entire 
book.  No  wonder,  Charles,  who  is  inclined  to  favor  this 
theory,  is  ready  to  admit  that  "it  requires  to  be  substantiated 
by  a  much  larger  body  of  evidence  than  has  yet  been 
adduced."116 

7.  Steuernagel,  on  the  assumption  that  the  author  used 
as  a  source  book  the  chronicles  of  the  Medo-Persian  kings, 
written  in  Aramaic,  gives  this  explanation:  The  author, 
intending  to  reproduce,  with  considerable  freedom,  the 
stories  of  Daniel  which  he  found  in  his  source,  started  out 
in  Hebrew;  when  he  reached  what  is  now  2.  4  he  changed 
his  mind  and  decided  to  reproduce  his  source  verbatim,  in 
the  language  in  which  he  found  it.  That  brought  him  to 
the  close  of  the  narrative  sections.  He  added  to  these,  in 
Hebrew,  the  vision  which  now  forms  Chapter  7,  but  later 
translated  it  into  Aramaic,  to  bring  it  in  line  with  the 
narrative  sections.  Chapters  8  to  12  he  regards  as  a  later 
expansion,  though  by  the  same  author.117  Even  Steuer- 
nagel is  not  willing  to  consider  this  explanation  more  than 
a  possibility.  Perhaps  the  only  thing  to  do  is  to  admit, 
with  the  author  named,  that  the  bilingual  character  of  the 
book  of  Daniel  is  still  an  unsolved  riddle. 


116  The  Book  of  Daniel,  p.  xxvi. 

117  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  p.  659. 


288 


CHAPTER  XII 
THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 


CHAPTER  XII 
THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

Title  and  Division.  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  are  counted 
two  separate  books  in  the  English  Bible;  in  reality  they 
are  two  sections  of  a  single  work  which,  with  Chronicles, 
formed  originally  a  continuous  history  from  creation  to 
the  middle  of  the  Persian  period,  about  B.  C.  430.  The 
two  appear  as  one  book,  called  'Ezra.,1  in  the  Hebrew 
MSS.,  and  the  Massoretic  notes,  found  at  the  end  of  the 
Old  Testament  books  in  Hebrew,  treat  them  as  such. 
The  Septuagint  also  regards  them  as  one  book,  called 
Second  Esdras,  that  is,  the  Second  Book  of  Ezra;  the 
First  Esdras  of  the  Septuagint  is,  on  the  whole,  a  differ- 
ent recension  of  parts  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.2  In  the 
Vulgate  they  appear  as  two  books,  corresponding  to  the 
present  division  in  English,  under  the  title  First  Esdras 
and  Second  Esdras,  the  First  Esdras  of  the  Septuagint 
having  become  Third  Esdras.  The  Latin  MSS.  contain 
also  a  Fourth  Esdras,  an  apocalyptic  work  which,  aside 
from  the  name,  has  no  connection  with  the  other  books 
bearing  the  same  name.  Third  and  Fourth  Esdras  of  the 
Latin  Bible  are  included  among  the  English  Apocrypha 
as  First  Esdras  and  Second  Esdras. 

Contents  and  Outline.  The  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehe- 
miah cover  a  period  of  a  little  more  than  a  century,  from 

1  While  Jewish  tradition  regards  Ezra  as  the  author,  the  title  might 
be  interpreted  as  implying  only  that  Ezra  is  the  hero  of  the  book; 
compare  Ruth  and  Esther. 

2  See  further,  below,  pp.  313-316. 

291 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

the  decree  of  Cyrus,  in  B.  C.  538-537,  to  the  second  visit 
of  Nehemiah,  in  B.  C.  432.  There  are,  however,  a  few 
allusions  to  later  persons  and  events.3  The  record  is  not 
in  the  form  of  a  continuous  narrative :  The  first  part  deals 
with  events  during  the  years  537-516;  then  comes  a  gap 
of  more  than  fifty  years,  which  is  followed  by  an  account 
of  Ezra's  return,  which  is  generally  thought  to  have  taken 
place  in  B.  C.  458.4  After  another  break,  this  time  of 
about  fourteen  years,  there  follows  the  account  of  Nehe- 
miah's  return,  in  B.  C.  445-444.  His  reform  efforts 
were  interrupted  for  a  while  by  his  return  to  the  Persian 
court;  the  work  closes  with  a  brief  description  of  the 
reforms  he  attempted  on  his  second  visit  to  Jerusalem, 
in  B.  C.  433-432. 

The  book  of  Ezra  begins  with  an  account  of  the  edict 
of  Cyrus  giving  the  Jews  permission  to  return  to  Jeru- 
salem. Many  availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity.  On 
reaching  their  old  home  they  erected  the  altar  of  burnt- 
offering,  kept  the  feast  of  Tabernacles,  and,  in  the  second 
year,  laid  the  foundations  of  the  temple.  When  they 
refused  permission  to  the  Samaritans  and  others  to 
cooperate,  these  interfered  with  the  enterprise,  and  build- 
ing operations  ceased  until  B.  C.  520,  when,  following 
the  exhortations  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah,  the  work  was 
resumed  with  such  energy  that  in  516  the  temple  was 
dedicated.5 


'In  Neh.  12.  n,  22,  for  example,  mention  is  made  of  Jaddua,  who 
was  the  great-grandson  of  Eliashib,  a  contemporary  of  Nehemiah,  and 
who,  therefore,  must  have  lived  about  a  century  later.  According  to 
Josephus,  he  was  high  priest  in  the  days  of  Alexander  the  Great. 

4  It  is  said  to  have  taken  place  in  the  seventh  year  of  Artaxerxes, 
who  is  commonly  identified  with  Artaxerxes  I;  but  see  further,  below, 
pp.  308-312,  the  section  dealing  with  the  date  of  Ezra. 

6  Ezra,  Chapters  i  to  6. 

292 


THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

Between  6.  22  and  7.  i  is  an  interval  of  more  than  fifty 
years.  In  458  Ezra  the  scribe  received  a  commission 
from  Artaxerxes  to  go  to  Jerusalem,  to  investigate  reli- 
gious conditions  there  and  to  teach  the  law.  Accom- 
panied by  a  number  of  faithful  Yahweh  worshipers,  he 
reached  Jerusalem,  where  the  returned  exiles  offered 
burnt-offerings  and  sin-offerings.  Complaint  came  to 
him  that  many  of  the  Jews  had  entered  marriage  alliances 
with  non-Jews;  whereupon  Ezra  offered  a  passionate 
prayer  of  confession.  At  a  general  assembly  a  commis- 
sion was  appointed  to  investigate  the  subject  of  mixed 
marriages.  The  book  closes  with  an  enumeration  of  the 
guilty  men.6 

The  book  of  Nehemiah  opens  with  an  account  of 
Nehemiah's  return.  Nehemiah,  a  royal  cup-bearer  at  the 
Persian  court,  deeply  distressed  over  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  Jerusalem,  had  himself  appointed  governor  of 
the  Jewish  community  there.  After  his  arrival  he  suc- 
ceeded in  arousing  a  general  interest  in  the  rebuilding 
of  the  city  walls,  which  was  accomplished  in  fifty-two 
days,  in  the  face  of  most  serious  opposition.  He  con- 
demned the  treatment  of  the  poor  by  the  rich,  and  finally 
persuaded  the  latter  to  restore  to  the  poor  the  property 
which  they  had  been  compelled  to  mortgage.  After  the 
completion  of  the  walls  he  took  steps  for  adequate  pro- 
tection and  for  securing  a  more  numerous  population.7 

At  a  great  public  gathering  Ezra  read  to  the  people 
from  the  Book  of  the  Law ;  a  deep  impression  was  made, 
and  the  people,  after  humbly  confessing  their  sins,  entered 
into  a  solemn  covenant  to  abstain  from  marriages  with 


6  Ezra,  Chapters  7  to  10. 

7  Neh.,  Chapters  i  to  7. 

293 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

foreigners,  and  from  trade  on  the  Sabbath,  and  to  sup- 
port the  temple  service.8  The  population  of  the  city  was 
increased  by  lot.  Following  various  lists  the  narrative 
continues  with  an  account  of  the  dedication  of  the  walls, 
the  provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the  temple  service 
and  officials,  and  the  exclusion  of  all  foreigners.0  After 
an  absence  at  the  Persian  court  Nehemiah  returned  in 
432,  when  he  instituted  various  religious  and  social 
reforms.10 

I.  EVENTS  CULMINATING  IN  THE  REBUILDING  OF  THE  TEMPLE 
(Ezra  i.  i  to  6.  22) 

1.  Decree  of  Cyrus  (i.  1-4). 

2.  Return  from  Babylon  under  Sheshbazzar  (i.  5-11). 

3.  List  of  returning  exiles  (2.  1-70). 

4.  Rebuilding  of  the  altar  of  burnt-offering  (3.  1-7). 

5.  Rebuilding  of  the  temple  begun  (3.  8-13). 

6.  Building  operations  discontinued  (4.  1-5,  24). 

(4.  6,  7-23,  which  is  out  of  place  here,  refers  to  complaints 
made  to  Xerxes  and  Artaxerxes,  resulting  in  the  interruption 
of  the  work  of  rebuilding  the  city  walls.) 

7.  Rebuilding  and  dedication  of  the  temple  (5.  i  to  6.  18). 

8.  The  great  Passover  (6.  19-22). 

II.  THE  MISSION  OF  EZRA  (Ezra  7.  i  to  10.  44) 

1.  Visit  of  Ezra  to  Jerusalem  (7.  i-ii). 

2.  Letter  of  Artaxerxes  to  Ezra  (7.  12-26). 

3.  Thanksgiving  of  Ezra  (7.  27,  28). 

4.  Companions  of  Ezra  (8.  1-20). 

5.  Incidents  of  the  journey;  arrival  in  Jerusalem  (8.  21-36). 

6.  Complaint  regarding  mixed  marriages  (9.  1-4). 

7.  Ezra's  prayer  of  confession  (9.  5-15). 

8.  Attempt  to  suppress  mixed  marriages  (10.  1-17). 

9.  Men  involved  in  mixed  marriages   (10.  18-44). 


8  Neh.,  Chapters  8  to  10. 

9  Neh.  ii.  i  to  13.  3. 

10  Neh.  13.  4-31. 

294 


THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

III.  COMING  OF  NEHEMIAH;  REBUILDING  OF  CITY  WALLS  (Neh.  i. 

i  to  7.  73a) 

1.  Grief  and  prayer  of  Nehemiah  (i.  i-n). 

2.  Commission  of  Nehemiah  (2.  1-8). 

3.  Decision  to  rebuild  the  city  walls  (2.  9-20). 

4.  Beginning  of  building  operations  (3.  1-32). 

5.  Opposition  and  precautions   (4.   1-23). 

6.  Social  reforms  (5.  1-13). 

7.  Unselfishness  of  Nehemiah  (5.  14-19). 

8.  Completion  of  walls  (6.  1-19). 

9.  Provisions  for  protection  of  the  city  (7.  1-4). 
10.  List  of  returning  exiles  (7.  5-73*). 

IV.  PROMULGATION  OF  THE  LAW  (Neh.  7.  73b  to  10.  39) 

1.  Reading  of  the  Law  (7.  73b  to  8.  12). 

2.  Observance  of  the  feast  of  Tabernacles  (8.  13-18). 

3.  Public  confession  of  sin  (9.  1-37). 

4.  Covenant  to  keep  the  Law  (9.  38  to  10.  39). 

V.  OTHER  ENTERPRISES  OF  NEHEMIAH  (Neh.  n.  i  to  13.  31) 

1.  List  of  dwellers  in  Jerusalem  (n.  1-24). 

2.  List  of  towns  inhabited  by  returned  exiles  (n.  25-36). 

3.  Heads  of  priestly  and  Levitical  families  (12.  1-26). 

4.  Dedication  of  the  city  walls  (12.  27-43). 

5.  Provision  for  priests  and  Levites  (12.  44-47). 

6.  Exclusion  of  foreigners  (13.  1-3). 

7.  Second  administration  of  Nehemiah  (13.  4-31). 

(1)  Expulsion  of  Tobiah  from  the  temple  (13.  4-9). 

(2)  Provision  for  Levites  and  singers  (13.  10-14). 

(3)  Sabbath-observance  demanded  (13.  15-22). 

(4)  Mixed  marriages  condemned   (13.  23-31). 

Manner  and  Date  of  Composition.  In  the  study  of 
the  composition,  sources,  and  historical  value  of  Ezra- 
Nehemiah  the  student  is  introduced  to  some  of  the  most 
perplexing  problems  of  Old  Testament  research.  Any 
sort  of  adequate  discussion  would  require  more  space 
than  is  here  available;  hence  the  present  writer  is  of 
necessity  confining  himself  to  the  setting  forth  of  conclu- 
sions which  seem  to  him  fairly  well  established.  He  does 

295 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

this  with  the  full  realization  that  even  some  of  these 
conclusions  may  have  to  be  modified  as  the  result  of 
further  investigation.11  One  point,  however,  is  settled 
beyond  question,  namely  that  the  books  of  Ezra-Nehe- 
miah  are  in  the  nature  of  a  compilation.  Not  only  is  this 
established  by  the  fact  that  the  books  were  originally  a 
part  of  Chronicles,  which  gives  evidence  of  compilation  on 
every  page,12  but,  in  addition,  there  are  certain  features  of 
the  two  books  themselves  which  point  in  the  same  direc- 
tion :  ( i )  The  change  from  the  first  to  the  third  person 
in  the  course  of  the  narrative;  (2)  the  unevenness  in  the 
treatment  of  history;  (3)  differences  in  language  and 
style,  corresponding  with  the  changes  in  the  pronouns; 
(4)  while  some  sections  make  the  impression  that  they 
are  the  work  of  eyewitnesses  and  participants  in  the 
events  recorded,  other  sections  present  equally  strong 
evidence  that  they  originated  a  long  time  after  the  events 
had  taken  place. 

The  question  of  date  can  be  considered  more  satisfac- 
torily in  connection  with  the  books  of  Chronicles;  for, 
in  the  nature  of  the  case,  if  Ezra-Nehemiah  came  from 
the  same  author  or  compiler,  their  date  must  be  the  same, 
that  is,  about  B.  C.  3<DO.13 


11  A  good  idea  of  the  perplexing  problems  presented  by  Ezra-Nehemiah 
is  given  by  C.  C.  Torrey,  in  his  Ezra  Studies,  a  volume  that  represents 
a  most  thoroughgoing  investigation  of  the  problems  connected  with 
Ezra-Nehemiah  and  with  Jewish  history  in  general  during  the  first 
century  of  the  postexilic  period.    Though  some  of  Professor  Torrey's 
conclusions  may  have  to  be  modified,  no  student  of  this  period  can 
afford  to  neglect  his  work. 

12  See  Chapter  XIII,  below,  pp.  332-335- 

13  The  question  of  date  is  discussed  more  fully  in  Chapter  XIII. 
Here  it  may  be  sufficient  to  give  a  brief  statement  of  some  of  the  more 
important  reasons  why  scholars  believe  that  the  two  books  cannot 
have  been  written  by  the  men  whose  names  they  bear,  but  that  they 

296 


THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

Sources,  i.  Memoirs  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  Though 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah  cannot  be  considered  the  authors  of 
the  books  that  bear  their  names,  it  is  quite  generally 
thought  that  the  compiler  had  access  to  autobiographical 
memoirs  of  the  two  men,  and  that  these  constituted  his 
most  valuable  sources  of  information.  In  some  cases 
these  memoirs — written  in  the  first  person — were  em- 
bodied by  him  in  his  own  work  practically  without 
change;  at  other  times  he  did  not  hesitate  to  introduce 


originated  during  the  Greek  period:  (i)  The  misplacing  of  Ezra  4.  6-23. 
These  verses  refer  to  events  during  the  reigns  of  Xerxes  and  Artaxerxes; 
Ezra  was  a  contemporary  of  the  latter.  Would  he  insert  the  verses 
into  an  account  of  events  clearly  belonging  to  an  earlier  period?  (2)  The 
use  of  the  phrase  "king  of  Persia,"  which  seems  to  imply  that  the  king- 
dom of  Persia  was  a  thing  of  the  past.  (3)  The  mention  of  Jaddua,  the 
great-grandson  of  Eliashib  (12.  n,  22),  the  latter  being  a  contemporary 
of  Nehemiah  (13.  28).  (4)  The  days  of  Nehemiah  are  grouped  with 
the  days  of  Zerubbabel  as  a  period  in  the  past  (12.  47).  (5)  The  lan- 
guage and  style,  as  well  as  the  character  of  the  ideas,  point  to  a  late 
date. 

As  soon  as  Ezra-Nehemiah  are  regarded  as  a  compilation  of  material 
taken  from  various  sources,  made  a  considerable  time  after  the  events 
recorded  took  place,  the  more  troublesome  problems  of  the  book  re- 
ceive a  satisfactory  explanation.  For  instance,  the  gaps  in  the  history: 
the  compiler  being  interested  only  in  the  outstanding  events  of  the 
age,  selects  only  such  material  as  suits  his  purpose.  Moreover,  the 
compiler  being  removed  from  the  actual  events,  might  at  times  arrange 
his  material  faultily:  this  would  explain  the  presence  of  Ezra  4.  6-23, 
a  passage  dealing  with  the  building  of  the  city  walls,  in  the  midst  of  a 
narrative  dealing  with  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple.  In  the  same  way 
may  be  explained  the  present  position  of  Neh.  8-10,  which  at  one  time 
may  have  been  the  sequel  of  Ezra  10,  as  also  the  reversing  of  the  chrono- 
logical order  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  which  is  assumed  by  an  increasing 
number  of  modern  writers.  The  theory  accounts  also  for  the  change  in 
pronouns:  Some  of  the  material  used  came  to  the  compiler  written  in 
the  first  person,  other  sources  used  the  third  person;  in  the  sections 
supplied  by  himself  he  naturally  used  the  third  person  in  writing  of 
his  heroes.  The  use  of  the  same  list  in  two  different  places  (Ezra  2 
and  Neh.  7)  would  also  find  a  satisfactory  explanation. 

297 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

alterations,  among  other  things,  changing  the  pronoun 
of  the  first  person  to  that  of  the  third  person.  The 
memoirs  of  Ezra  are  found  in  Ezra  7.  27  to  9.  15,  and 
may  have  included,  in  addition,  the  Aramaic  document 
in  7.  12-26,  which  purports  to  be  a  letter  from  Artaxerxes 
to  Ezra.14  The  memoirs  of  Nehemiah  are  found  in  Neh. 
i.  i  to  7.  5 — perhaps  plus  the  list  of  names  in  7.  6-73, 
which  is  duplicated  in  Ezra  2;  12.  27-43 ;  13.  4-31. 

Sections  which  may  rest  on  the  memoirs  of  Ezra,  but 
which  in  their  present  form  are  the  work  of  a  later  writer 
are  Ezra  10  and  Neh.  8-10.  Some  parts  of  the  book  of 
Nehemiah  may  be  based  on  the  memoirs  of  Nehemiah 
or,  perhaps,  upon  other  contemporaneous  documents;15 
but  if  this  is  the  case,  the  earlier  material  was  worked 
over  by  a  later  writer,  who  may  have  been  the  compiler 
of  the  entire  work.  In  these  "modified"  sections  the  hand 
of  the  compiler  may  be  seen  not  only  in  the  modifications 
introduced  into  the  earlier  material  but  also  in  the  pres- 
ence of  more  or  less  extensive  additions  coming  in  their 
entirety  from  him.16 

(2)  Aramaic  Documents.  Ezra  4.  8  to  6.  18  and  7. 
12-26  are  written  in  Aramaic.  These  sections  contain, 
embedded  in  suitable  narrative  setting,  what  claim  to  be 
five  official  documents:  (a)  A  letter  sent  to  Artaxerxes, 
charging  the  Jews  with  treason;17  (&)  the  reply  to  this 
letter,  ordering  that  the  rebuilding  of  the  city  be 


14  On  the  genuineness  and  value  of  the  memoirs  of  Ezra  and  related 
questions,  see  further,  below,  pp.  302  ff. 

16  For  example,  several  paragraphs  in  Chapters  n  to  13,  such  as 
12.  12-21;  13.  1-3. 

16  For  example,  Ezra  7.  i-i  i ;  some  parts  of  Nehemiah,  Chapters  9, 
10 ;  ii.  25  to  12.  ii ;  12.  22-26,  44-47. 

17  Ezra  4.  11-16. 

298 


THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

stopped.18  (c)  An  inquiry  regarding  the  authority  of 
the  Jews  to  rebuild  the  temple;19  (d)  the  reply  to  this 
inquiry,  favoring  the  claims  of  the  Jews  and  confirming 
the  decree  of  Cyrus.20  (e)  The  letter  of  Artaxerxes 
to  Ezra,  commissioning  him  to  go  to  Jerusalem.21  The 
last  mentioned  document  is  separated  from  the  others  by 
two  paragraphs  in  Hebrew,  the  one  narrating  the  observ- 
ance of  the  Passover,22  the  other  furnishing  a  summary 
account  of  Ezra  and  his  work.23  Both  of  these  appear 
to  be  the  work  of  the  compiler;  some  scholars,  however, 
consider  them  later  interpolations. 

The  compiler  may  not  have  had  direct  access  to  the 
official  documents  or  archives.  On  the  contrary,  it  is 
very  probable  that  the  first  four  documents  plus  the  verses 
furnishing  the  historical  setting24  constituted  originally  a 
section  of  an  independent  work  written  in  Aramaic  about 
B.  C.  400,  and  that  this  was  used  as  a  source-book  by 
the  compiler.25  The  nature  and  original  extent  of  this 
Aramaic  work  cannot  be  determined.  Some  have  thought 
that  it  was  simply  an  account  of  the  troubles  between  the 
returned  exiles  and  their  neighbors,  to  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  Artaxerxes  I,26  while  others  have  thought  of  it 
as  a  more  comprehensive  history  of  the  postexilic  com- 
munity. In  either  case  its  presentation  of  the  course  of 
events  may  safely  be  accepted  as  trustworthy,  even 

18  Ezra  4.  17-22. 

19  5- 6-17. 

20  6.  1-12. 

21  7.  12-26. 

22  6.  19-22. 

23  7.  i-io. 

24  With  the  possible  exception  of  a  few  minor  additions  made  sub- 
sequently. 

26  The  other  document  may  have  been  taken  from  the  memoirs  of  Ezra. 
»  B.  C.  465-425- 

299 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

though  some  portions  may  have  been  worked  over  at  a 
later  time  from  a  more  rigidly  Jewish  point  of  view. 

The  genuineness  of  the  Aramaic  documents  has  been 
called  in  question,  chiefly  on  account  of  their  decidedly 
Jewish  coloring,  which,  it  is  claimed,  is  out  of  place  in 
documents  originating  at  the  Persian  court  or  with  Per- 
sian officials.  The  decree  of  Darius,  for  example,  closes 
with  this  recognition  of  the  supremacy  of  Yahweh :  "And 
the  God  that  hath  caused  his  name  to  dwell  there  over- 
throw all  kings  and  peoples  that  shall  put  forth  their 
hand  to  alter  the  same,  to  destroy  this  house  of  God  which 
is  in  Jerusalem."27  Equally  strange  seems  the  detailed 
description  of  the  Jewish  sacrificial  system  in  the  letter 
of  Artaxerxes  to  Ezra.28  However,  Eduard  Meyer  has 
clearly  shown  that  these  peculiar  Jewish  features  by  no 
means  disprove  the  genuineness  of  the  documents;  and 
ever  since  the  publication  of  his  discriminating  study29 
there  has  been  a  growing  tendency  among  scholars  to 
admit  the  genuineness  of  the  documents,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  decree  of  Cyrus  given  in  Hebrew  in  Ezra 
i.  2-4,  which  is  thought  to  have  been  preserved  in  a  more 
original  form  in  6.  3-5.  Those  who  accept  the  documents 
as  genuine  explain  the  Jewish  elements  as  due  to  modifi- 
cations by  the  author  of  the  Aramaic  history  or  by  the 
still  later  Chronicler,  or  on  the  assumption  that  the  docu- 
ments originating  at  the  Persian  court  were  drafted  by 
Jews  and  then  submitted  to  the  Persian  authorities  for 
their  approval,  while  in  some  instances  both  influences 
may  have  made  themselves  felt. 

How  the  documents  came  into  the  hands  of  the  Jewish 
writer  is  not  known.  It  has  been  suggested  that  they 


27  Ezra  6.  12.  28  Ezra  7.  17. 

99  Eduard  Meyer,  Die  Entstehung  des  Judentums,  especially  pp.  8-71. 

300 


THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

came  from  "the  public  archives  in  Jerusalem,  where 
it  would  be  natural  to  keep  copies  of  letters  sent  to,  and 
the  originals  (or  copies)  of  letters  sent  from,  the  Persian 
court/'  But,  while  the  prevalence  of  such  a  custom 
throughout  the  east  may  readily  be  admitted,30  it  should 
be  noted  that  these  documents  were  neither  addressed 
to  the  community  in  Jerusalem,  nor  were  they  sent  from 
there.  It  is  more  probable,  therefore,  that  they  were 
secured  from  the  Persian  court-archives,  perhaps  by  some 
Jew  who,  like  Nehemiah,  had  risen  to  a  position  of 
prominence  at  the  court  of  Persia. 

(3)  Temple  and  Government  Records.  There  are 
some  portions  of  Ezra-Nehemiah  which  seem  to  have 
been  written  in  their  entirety  by  the  compiler  of  the  book ; 
and  yet  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  in  writing  these 
sections  he  did  not  make  use  of  earlier  material.  There 
is  nothing  improbable  in  the  view  that  the  compiler,  who 
evidently  belonged  to  the  priestly  circles,  had  access  to 
earlier  temple  records  and  that  he  gathered  from  them 
information  regarding  the  restoration  of  worship  after 
the  exile,  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple,  and  the  provisions 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  temple  service.  He  may  also 
have  had  access  to  records  dealing  with  non-religious 
community  affairs,  which  may  have  been  preserved  in 
the  temple  archives  or  in  the  archives  of  the  civil  govern- 
ment. If  such  records  were  used,  material  from  them 
may  be  found  especially  in  Ezra  i  and  3  and  in  the  sec- 
tions of  Nehemiah  that  were  added  by  the  compiler. 

Historical  Value.  The  preceding  paragraphs  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  compiler  of  Ezra-Nehemiah, 
though  living  a  century  or  more  after  the  occurrence  of 

30  Compare  the  Elephantine  Papyri;  on  the  existence  of  such  ar- 
chives, see  H.  Winckler,  Vorderasien  im  ziveiten  Jahrtausend,  passim. 

301 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

the  latest  events  recorded,  had  access  to  various  earlier 
sources,  in  part  practically  contemporaneous  with  the 
events  described,  in  part  written  within  a  generation  or 
two  following  the  activities  of  Nehemiah.  If,  now,  the 
compiler  reproduced,  without  material  alteration,  some 
official  documents  and  portions  of  the  memoirs  of  Ezra 
and  of  Nehemiah,  the  historical  value  of  the  book  can 
hardly  be  overestimated.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  he  mis- 
understood his  sources,  took  undue  liberties  with  them, 
failed  to  arrange  them  in  the  proper  order,  wrote  him- 
self what  he  claims  to  have  received  from  the  past,  and 
in  general  gave  free  play  to  his  imagination,  little  help 
can  be  expected  from  the  book  in  tracing  the  history  of 
the  postexilic  community.  What,  then,  is  the  real  situa- 
tion? (i)  There  seems  to  be  insufficient  reason  for 
questioning  the  substantial  accuracy  of  the  official  letters 
and  decrees.  (2)  In  the  case  of  the  memoirs  of  Nehe- 
miah internal  evidence  is  so  convincing  that  few  scholars 
question  their  genuineness.  If  so,  they  must  have  been 
written  soon  after  B.  C.  432 — probably  between  430  and 
425,  and  may,  therefore,  be  expected  to  give  a  reliable 
account  of  the  events  in  which  Nehemiah  had  a  part. 
(3)  It  is  different  with  the  memoirs  of  Ezra.  Their 
authenticity  has  been  seriously  questioned:  their  simi- 
larity in  language,  ideas,  and  general  interest  with  sec- 
tions coming  from  the  Chronicler  has  led  some  to  suspect 
that  the  alleged  memoirs  are  in  reality  the  work  of  this 
late  compiler.  C.  C.  Torrey,  for  example,  insists  that 
there  is  no  portion  of  the  entire  work,  including  Chroni- 
cles, Ezra,  and  Nehemiah,  in  which  "the  Chronicler's 
literary  peculiarities  are  more  strongly  marked,  more 
abundant,  more  evenly  and  continuously  distributed,  and 
more  easily  recognizable  than  in  the  Hebrew  narrative 

302 


THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

of  Ezra  7-10  and  Neh.  8-io."31  Consequently,  he  is  very 
positive  in  his  assertion  that  the  Chronicler  is  the  real 
author  of  the  sections  known  as  the  memoirs  of  Ezra. 

It  is  by  no  means  certain,  however,  that  the  facts  in 
the  case  warrant  the  conclusion.  The  similarities  may 
indicate  that  the  Chronicler  treated  the  memoirs  of  Ezra 
with  much  freedom,  but  they  do  not  disprove  their  au- 
thenticity :  Ezra  was  a  scribe,  a  student  and  lover  of  the 
Law,  and  was  permeated  by  the  spirit  of  ecclesiasticism, 
which  is  also  characteristic  of  the  Chronicler.  Under 
these  circumstances  it  is  only  natural  that  in  language, 
style,  and  general  point  of  view  the  work  of  the  Chronicler 
should  resemble  more  closely  the  production  of  the  priest- 
scribe  Ezra  than  that  of  the  layman  Tvfehemiah.  More- 
over, after  recognizing  the  similarity,  the  later  writer 
may  have  felt  freer  to  modify  the  memoirs  of  Ezra  and 
even  to  rewrite  them,  in  part  at  least,  from  his  own  point 
of  view.32  Without  entering  into  a  full  discussion,  for 
which  there  is  no  room  in  this  connection,  the  present 
writer  may  express  his  belief  that  the  arguments  against 
the  genuineness  of  the  "Ezra  memoirs  are  not  conclusive, 
and  that,  therefore,  it  is  still  safe  to  regard  the  accounts 
of  events  contained  in  them  as  substantially  accurate  and 
reliable.  At  the  same  time  he  is  quite  ready  to  admit 
that  these  memoirs  have  undergone  radical  modifications 
at  the  hands  of  the  compiler.33 

Without  denying  the  authenticity  of  the  memoirs  of 


31  Ezra  Studies,  p.  241. 

32  For  example,  the  reference  to  the  immense  wealth  in  Ezra  8.  24-27 
may  come  from  the  Chronicler,  who  delights  in  exaggeration  of  this  sort. 

33  If  the  documents  and  memoirs  found  in  Ezra-Nehemiah  are  au- 
thentic at  least  in  essence,  the  question  whether  the  Chronicler  had 
access  to  the  original  sources  or  only  to  a  work  of  which  they  formed  a 
part,  becomes  of  secondary  importance. 

303 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

Ezra  or  of  Nehemiah,  some  scholars  have  brought  the 
charge  against  the  Chronicler  that,  through  faulty  use  of 
his  sources,  he  misrepresented  the  course  of  the  history 
during  the  postexilic  period  in  three  important  respects : 
(i)  The  return  of  the  exiles  in  B.  C.  537;  (2)  the  at- 
tempt on  the  part  of  the  returned  exiles  to  rebuild  the 
temple  soon  after  the  return;  (3)  the  date  of  Ezra's 
mission.  Regarding  the  first  point,  the  book  of  Ezra 
states  that  in  B.  C.  537  a  large  body  of  exiles  returned 
from  Babylonia.  Over  against  these  definite  statements 
stand  the  assertions  of  numerous  recent  writers,  follow- 
ing in  the  footsteps  of  W.  H.  Kosters,34  that  practically 
no  exiles  came  from  Babylonia  in  that  year,  that  the  list 
in  Ezra  2  relates  to  the  time  of  Nehemiah,  that  the 
temple  was  built  by  the  Jews  left  behind  in  the  land,35 
that  Ezra  was  the  first  to  lead  a  body  of  exiles  back  from 
Babylonia,  which  he  did,  not  before  Nehemiah,  about 
B.  C.  458,  but  after  Nehemiah's  first  visit,  probably  about 
the  time  of  his  second  visit  in  B.  C.  433-432.  The  chief 
argument  in  favor  of  the  contention  that  Cyrus  issued 
no  decree,  and  consequently  that  there  was  no  return  in 
537,  is  found  in  the  silence  of  the  prophets  Haggai  and 
Zechariah  concerning  such  return.  This  leaves  as  the 
only  source  of  information  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehe- 
miah, compiled  about  B.  C.  300  by  the  compiler  of  the 
books  of  Chronicles.  Now,  the  argument  continues,  a 
comparison  of  Chronicles  with  Kings  reveals  the  unrelia- 
bility of  the  former,  which  involves  the  books  of  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah,  coming  from  the  same  hand.  On  reach- 
ing this  point  in  the  argument  Kosters  subjected  Ezra- 
Nehemiah  to  a  minute  critical  analysis,  which  led  him 

34  Die  Wiederherstellung  Israels  in  der  Persischen  Periode,  passim. 
K  2  Kings  25.  12,  22-26. 

304 


THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

to  the  conclusion  that  the  sections  containing  the  refer- 
ences to  the  return  in  537  are  so  late  that  their  testimony 
cannot  stand  against  the  silence  of  the  two  prophets  who 
prophesied  less  than  twenty  years  after  the  date  of  the 
alleged  return. 

Now,  it  is  true  that  the  opening  chapters  of  Ezra 
reached  their  present  form  at  a  relatively  late  date  and 
that  it  is  impossible  to  determine  all  the  sources  from 
which  the  Chronicler  drew  information;  nevertheless,  it 
is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  undue  reliance  may  easily  be 
placed  on  the  argument  from  silence.  The  silence  of  the 
two  prophets  may  be  accidental ;  it  would  assume  signifi- 
cance only  if  it  could  be  shown  that  there  was  a  necessity 
for  mentioning  the  return  in  case  it  was  a  historical  fact. 
Such  a  necessity  did  not  exist;  on  the  contrary,  the 
prophets  might  feel  fully  justified  not  to  mention  it,  since 
they  were  addressing  people  who  had  participated  in  the 
return  and,  therefore,  were  thoroughly  familiar  with  it. 
There  certainly  is  nothing  in  the  utterances  of  the  two 
men  that  could  be  construed  as  in  any  way  conflicting 
with  the  statement  in  Ezra  that  Cyrus  issued  a  decree 
giving  permission  to  the  Jews  to  return  to  their  old  home. 
Nor  is  there  anything  inherently  improbable  in  the  view 
that  such  decree  was  issued.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  in 
perfect  accord  with  the  inscription  of  Cyrus,  which  gives 
a  description  of  the  treatment  he  accorded  to  the  peoples 
that  had  been  deported  by  the  Babylonians.  Moreover, 
the  historical  situation  would  furnish  a  strong  incentive 
to  the  Persian  ruler  to  establish  near  the  borders  of  Egypt 
a  community  that  would  be  bound  to  the  Persian  authori- 
ties by  strong  ties  of  gratitude.36  From  all  these  con- 

38  The  Elephantine  Papyri,  which  have  thrown  such  valuable  side- 
light on  conditions  during  the  Persian  period,  furnish  a  striking  illus- 

305 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

siderations  it  would  appear  that  G.  A.  Smith  is  right 
when  he  says,  "We  must  hold  that  the  attempt  to  dis- 
credit the  tradition  of  an  important  return  of  exiles  under 
Cyrus  has  not  been  successful;  that  such  a  return  remains 
the  more  probable  solution  of  an  obscure  and  difficult 
problem."37 

Closely  connected  with  the  denial  of  a  return  in  537  is 
the  claim  that  the  book  of  Ezra  is  wrong  when  it  asserts 
that  the  foundations  of  the  temple  were  laid  by  the  re- 
turned exiles  soon  after  their  arrival  in  Palestine,38  and 
the  further  claim  that  the  temple  was  rebuilt  exclusively 
by  Jews  who  had  been  left  behind  at  the  time  Jerusalem 
was  destroyed.39  Here,  again,  appeal  is  made  to  the 
words  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah.  It  is  pointed  out  that 
these  prophets  addressed  their  audiences  as  "the  remnant 
of  the  people/'40  which  is  interpreted  to  mean  the  remnant 
left  behind  in  B.  C.  597  and  586.  It  is  further  claimed 
that  the  statement  concerning  the  beginning  of  building 
operations  soon  after  the  return  is  definitely  contradicted 
by  utterances  of  these  prophets  which  imply  that  no  steps 
looking  toward  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  had  been 
taken  before  B.  C.  52O.41  By  way  of  explanation  it  is 


tration  of  the  kindly  policy  adopted  by  the  Persian  rulers  toward  the 
Jews:  Cambyses,  the  successor  of  Cyrus,  spared  the  Jewish  temple  at 
Elephantine  at  the  time  he  conquered  Egypt,  in  B.  C.  525. 

37  The  Minor  Prophets,  vol.  ii,  p.  215. 

38  Ezra  3.  8ff.;  5.  16. 

39  Even  some  who  admit  that  a  few  exiles  may  have  returned  at 
various  times  deny  that  these  played  any  important  part  in  the  build- 
ing enterprise. 

40  Hag.  I.  12,  14;  2.  2;  Zech.  8.  6. 

41  Hag.  i.  2-9;  2.  15-18;  Zech.  i.  16;  4.  9;  compare  also  Ezra  5.  2. 
Some  scholars,  realizing  the  difficulty,  but  unwilling  to  reject  the  state- 
ments of  Ezra  as  unhistorical,  attempt  in  various  ways  to  harmonize 
the  apparently  contradictory  statements.     Driver,  for  example,  sug- 

306 


THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

suggested  that  the  statements  in  "Ezra  were  inspired  by 
the  promise  in  Isa.  44.  28,  that  Cyrus  would  issue  an 
order  that  the  foundations  of  the  temple  be  laid. 

The  evidence  against  the  reliability  of  the  statement 
that  the  foundations  of  the  temple  were  laid  in  B.  C.  536, 
while  perhaps  not  overwhelmingly  conclusive,  is  of  con- 
siderable weight.  No  doubt  the  words  of  Haggai  and 
Zechariah,  naturally  interpreted,  make  the  laying  of  the 
temple  foundations  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  earlier  im- 
probable. On  the  other  hand,  it  can  easily  be  explained 
why  the  Chronicler  should  assign  the  beginning  of  the 
enterprise  to  an  earlier  date.  In  the  words  of  J.  E. 
McFadyen :  "To  him  it  may  well  have  seemed  incon- 
ceivable that  the  returned  exiles  should — whatever  their 
excuse — have  waited  sixteen  years  before  beginning  the 
work  which  to  him  was  of  transcendent  importance."42 
He  may  have  found  further  justification  for  his  view  in 
Isa.  44.  28;  at  any  rate,  he  seems  to  have  been  quite 
familiar  with  the  prophecies  concerning  the  restoration, 
for  he  introduces  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  narrative 
a  reference  to  a  prophecy  of  Jeremiah.43 

But  even  admitting  that  the  Chronicler  was  mistaken 
when  he  stated  that  the  foundations  of  the  temple  were 
laid  soon  after  the  return  of  537,  it  still  remains  very 
probable  that  the  returned  exiles  had  a  share  in  the  build- 
ing enterprise.  The  terms  used  by  Haggai  and  Zechariah 
do  not  exclude  the  presence  of  returned  exiles;  besides, 

gests  (Introduction,  p.  547):  "The  truth  probably  is  that  the  ceremony 
described  in  Ezra  3.  8-13  was  one  of  a  purely  formal  character,  which 
Haggai  could  disregard  altogether."  It  is  very  doubtful,  however, 
that  the  explicit  statements  of  the  prophets  permit  this  interpretation 
of  their  silence  regarding  the  laying  of  the  foundations  in  537. 

42  An  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  342. 

a  Jer.  25.  12. 

307 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

it  is  exceedingly  doubtful  that  the  people  left  behind 
possessed  sufficient  spiritual  enthusiasm  and  initiative  to 
carry  out  the  ideas  and  ideals  of  the  prophets.  If  there 
was  a  return  in  537,  which  to  the  present  writer  seems 
more  than  probable,  a  large  share  of  the  credit  for  re- 
building the  temple  must  be  given  to  the  faithful  Yahweh 
worshipers  who  retained  their  faith  in  Yahweh  during 
the  dark  days  of  the  exile  and  eagerly  embraced  the  first 
opportunity  offered  to  return  to  the  promised  land. 

The  date  of  Ezra's  mission — assuming  that  he  is  a  his- 
torical character44 — presents  a  still  more  complicated 
problem.  According  to  Ezra  7.  7,  8,  Ezra  came  to  Jeru- 
salem in  the  "seventh  year  of  Artaxerxes  the  king."  For 
centuries  this  king  was  commonly  identified  with  Ar- 
taxerxes I;45  consequently,  the  journey  of  Ezra  was 
dated  in  458,  that  of  Nehemiah  in  445-444*®  Ezra  being 
considered  the  forerunner  of  Nehemiah.  Van  Hoonacker 
was  the  first  to  attack  this  interpretation  seriously;47 
and  he  suggested  that  Ezra  was  a  contemporary,  not  of 
Artaxerxes  I,  but  of  Artaxerxes  II.48  This  would  bring 
the  journey  of  Ezra  down  to  B.  C.  397,  the  seventh  year 
of  Artaxerxes  II,  and  Nehemiah  would  become  the  fore- 
runner of  Ezra.  Since  then  many  other  scholars  have 
become  convinced  that  Nehemiah  reached  Jerusalem  be- 
fore Ezra,  but  differences  of  opinion  have  arisen  regard- 
ing the  exact  date  of  the  latter's  coming.  Some,  follow- 
ing van  Hoonacker,  accept  the  date  397 ;  others,  agreeing 
with  Kosters,  connect  him  with  the  second  visit  of  Nehe- 

44  See  further,  below,  pp.  310,  311. 

«  6.0.465-425- 

46  Neh.  2.  i. 

47  Nthemie  et  Esdras,  published  in  1890;  some  questions  had  been 
raised  previously. 

48  B.  C.  404-359- 

308 


THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

miah,  in  432  or  soon  after ;  while  still  others,  like  Torrey, 
deny  the  historical  character  of  Ezra  and  look  upon  him 
as  a  personification  of  the  spirit  of  later  Judaism. 

The  following  are  the  principal  reasons  for  placing  the 
coming  of  Ezra  after  the  first  visit  of  Nehemiah :  ( i ) 
The  situation  which,  according  to  the  book  of  Ezra  itself, 
confronted  Ezra  on  his  arrival,  implies  an  orderly,  settled 
life,  such  as  was  impossible  until  after  the  city  walls  had 
been  built  and  the  city  had  been  well  fortified.  (2)  The 
prayer  of  Ezra49  seems  to  imply  that  the  building  of  the 
walls  was  an  accomplished  fact.  (3)  Nehemiah's  me- 
moirs are  silent  concerning  the  reforms  alleged  to  have 
been  undertaken  by  Ezra;  nor  are  any  of  the  reformers 
who  are  said  to  have  accompanied  Ezra  named  as  cooper- 
ating with  Nehemiah.  (4)  The  reform  work  of  Nehe- 
miah has  the  appearance  of  being  preliminary  to  that  of 
Ezra;  at  any  rate,  the  measures  of  Nehemiah  are  less 
radical  than  those  of  Ezra.50  All  these  facts,  it  is  pointed 
out,  would  find  a  satisfactory  explanation  on  the  assump- 
tion that  at  least  the  earlier  reforms  of  Nehemiah  pre- 
ceded the  mission  of  Ezra. 

If  the  statements  in  Neh.  8.  9;  10.  i  are  accepted  as  in 
any  sense  reliable,  it  follows  that  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
were  in  Jerusalem  at  the  same  time.  Those  who  believe 
these  statements  to  be  correct  naturally  hesitate  to  carry 
Ezra  down  to  the  fourth  century;  but  feeling  the  force 
of  the  facts  noted  above,  they  are  unwilling  to  place  him 
earlier  than  Nehemiah's  administration ;  hence  they  con- 
nect him  with  the  second  visit  of  the  latter.  On  the  other 


49  Ezra  9.  9. 

60  For  example,  whereas  Ezra  demands  the  putting  away  of  non- 
Jewish  wives  (Ezra  10.  n,  12),  Nehemiah  is  content  with  forbidding 
mixed  marriages  for  the  future  (Neh.  13.  25). 

309 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

hand,  those  who  hold  that  the  connection  of  Ezra  with 
Nehemiah  is  due  to  a  mistake  of  the  Chronicler,  have  no 
hesitation  to  date  him  later ;  and,  accepting  the  ambiguous 
statement  that  Ezra  came  to  Jerusalem  in  the  seventh 
year  of  Artaxerxes,  as  referring  to  the  second  king  bear- 
ing that  name,  they  assign  his  journey  to  B.  C.  397.  The 
advocates  of  this  view  claim  that  they  make  only  one 
assumption,  namely,  that  the  Chronicler  failed  to  arrange 
his  material  in  the  right  order ;  and  they  point  to  the  mis- 
placement of  Ezra  4.  6-23  as  an  exact  parallel.  If  the 
later  date  is  accepted,  it  becomes  necessary  to  arrange 
the  material  in  the  two  books  somewhat  after  this 
fashion:  Ezra  i.  i  to  4.  5 ;  4.  24  to  6.  22;  Neh.  i.  i  to 
6.  19;  Ezra  4.  6-23;  Neh.  7.  1-69  (Ezra  2) ;  Neh.  u.  i 
to  12.  47;  13.  4-31;  Ezra  7.  i  to  8.  36;  Neh.  7.  70  to 
8.  18;  Ezra  9.  i  to  10.  9;  Neh.  13.  1-3;  Ezra  10.  10-44; 
Neh.  9.  i  to  10.  39. 

Professor  C.  C.  Torrey  takes  a  more  radical  position 
than  any  discussed  in  the  preceding  paragraphs,51  when 
he  denies  the  historical  character  of  Ezra  himself,  whom 
he  regards  merely  a  reflection  of  Nehemiah  or  a  personifi- 
cation of  the  spirit  and  ideals  of  later  Judaism.  Accord- 
ing to  this  view,  the  creation  of  the  character  of  Ezra  and 
the  composition  of  the  memoirs  of  Ezra  were  inspired  in 
large  part  by  a  desire  to  correct  the  impression  made  by 
the  memoirs  of  Nehemiah  that  the  reestablishment  and 
purification  of  Judaism  were  the  work  of  a  layman,  a 
view  which  would  appear  intolerable  to  the  Chronicler 
and  to  the  priestly  circles  in  which  he  moved.  The  argu- 
ments in  favor  of  this  contention  may  be  summarized  as 
follows :  ( i )  The  religious,  intellectual,  and  ecclesiastical 

61  Composition  and  Historical  Value  of  Ezra- Nehemiah,  especially  pp. 
57-62 ;  and  Ezra  Studies,  pp.  238-248. 

310 


THE  BOOKS  OF  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH 

atmosphere  in  which  the  Chronicler  found  himself  prac- 
tically compelled  him  to  create  such  a  character.  (2) 
The  striking  similarities  between  the  hero  of  the  Ezra 
memoirs  and  the  Chronicler  find  their  only  natural  inter- 
pretation in  such  a  theory:  "If  we  have  any  definite 
knowledge  at  all  of  this  'Ezra/  we  know  that  he  was  a 
man  precisely  like  the  Chronicler  himself.  .  .  .  There  is 
not  a  garment  in  all  Ezra's  wardrobe  that  does  not  fit 
the  Chronicler  exactly.  To  suppose  that  the  latter  could 
have  rewritten  the  words,  and  twisted  the  ideas,  of  this 
kindred  spirit,  whose  testimony  was  of  such  importance 
to  all  his  own  special  interests,  is  out  of  the  question; 
his  intelligence  was  not  of  such  a  low  order  as  this ;  and 
we  know,  besides,  that  his  habit  was  directly  opposed  to 
any  such  proceeding,  even  when  the  material  was  not 
exactly  suited  to  his  purpose."52  (3)  Ezra  and  the  Ezra 
tradition  are  unknown  to  later  Jewish  writers.  For 
instance,  Ecclesiasticus,  who  speaks  in  the  highest  terms 
of  Nehemiah,  makes  no  mention  of  Ezra.53  A  moment's 
thought  will  show  that  arguments  like  these  can  do  no 
more  than  establish  the  possibility  of  Torrey's  conclu- 
sion; it  would  be  too  much  to  say  that  they  do  or  even 
can  establish  its  probability;  and,  certainly,  they  fall  far 
short  of  establishing  it  as  a  fact.  Unless  more  convincing 
arguments  are  presented,  the  student  will  be  justified  in 
retaining  the  belief  that  Ezra  was  a  real  person,  who 
played  a  prominent  role  in  the  development  of  postexilic 
Judaism. 

In  the  absence  of  all  external  evidence  the  various 
problems  raised  by  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  and 
outlined  in  the  preceding  paragraphs  cannot  be  definitely 

82  C.  C.  Torrey,  Ezra  Studies,  pp.  243,  244. 
M  Compare  also  2  Maccabees  2.  iff. 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

settled.  No  doubt  the  advocates  of  each  of  the  several 
modern  positions  may  discover  certain  facts  which  seem 
to  favor  their  contention;  but  it  is  equally  true  that  the 
older  view,  which  accepts  the  chronology  of  the  Chroni- 
cler, is  not  without  support.  Most  of  the  elements  upon 
which  the  reconstruction  theories  are  based  can  be  ex- 
plained as  introduced,  perhaps  more  or  less  unconsciously, 
by  the  Chronicler,  who,  writing  when  conditions  were  far 
different  from  what  they  were  in  the  fifth  century,  could 
not  remain  uninfluenced  by  the  environment  in  which 
he  lived.  And  there  is  abundant  evidence  to  show  that 
he  frequently  modified  his  sources  from  the  standpoint 
of  his  own  age.54  But  even  if  it  were  admitted  that  the 
compiler  disarranged  his  material,  and  that  he  introduced 
various  modifications,  he  has  preserved  his  sources  with 
sufficient  faithfulness  to  make  them  historical  documents 
of  the  highest  value.  Especially  the  memoirs,  proceeding 
as  they  do  from  the  chief  actors  in  the  events  described, 
are  of  the  greatest  significance  for  an  adequate  under- 
standing of  a  period  in  the  life  of  the  postexilic  commu- 
nity, which  in  turn  is  of  very  great  importance  for  the 
whole  subsequent  history  of  Judaism. 

64  For  the  bearing  of  this  whole  discussion  on  certain  questions  con- 
nected with  the  literary  history  of  the  Pentateuch,  see  F.  C.  Eiselen, 
The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  p.  311. 


312 


APPENDIX  TO  CHAPTER  XII 
THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  ESDRAS 

IN  the  Septuagint  the  canonical  Ezra-Nehemiah,  called 
Second  Esdras,  is  preceded  by  a  book  called  First  Esdras, 
which  in  its  present  form — it  is  incomplete,  for  it  ends  in 
the  middle  of  a  sentence — consists  of  parts  of  Chronicles 
and  Ezra-Nehemiah,  and  of  one  section  not  found  else- 
where : 

i  Esdras  I  =  2  Chron.  35.  i  to  36.  21. 

2.  1-15       =Ezra  i. 

2.  16-25      =  Ezra  4.  7-24. 

3.  i  to  5. 6  =  Not  found  elsewhere. 

5.  7-70       =  Ezra  2.  i  to  4.  5. 

6.  i  to  9. 36  =  Ezra  (4.  24)  5.  i  to  10.  44. 
9-  37-55      =  Neh.  7.  73b  to  8.  I3a. 

The  section  peculiar  to  First  Esdras,  3.  i  to  5.  6,  relates 
how  three  pages  of  Darius  agreed  to  a  test  of  their  wisdom 
in  the  presence  of  the  king  by  a  discussion  of  the  question, 
What  is  the  strongest?  One  defended  the  proposition, 
"Wine  is  the  strongest";  the  second,  "The  king  is  the 
strongest" ;  the  third,  "Women  are  the  strongest,  but,  above 
all  things,  truth  beareth  away  the  victory."  The  third, 
Zerubbabel,  was  declared  the  winner,  and  Darius  promised 
to  grant  him  anything  he  might  desire.  In  reply  he  re- 
minded the  king  of  a  vow  he  had  made  at  the  time  of  his 
accession  to  restore  the  Jews  to  their  old  home.  Whereupon 
Darius  issued  a  decree  giving  permission  to  the  Jews  to 
return  and  to  rebuild  their  temple,  granting  them  at  the  same 
time  other  privileges.  This  story,  then,  would  give  the 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

credit  for  the  restoration  of  the  Jews,  not  to  Cyrus,  but  to 
Darius. 

The  source  from  which  the  new  material  was  taken  can- 
not be  definitely  determined;  but  a  theory  advocated  by 
C.  C.  Torrey  has  much  in  its  favor.  Calling  attention  to 
the  fact  that  Ezra  3.  755  seems  to  contain  an  allusion  to 
i  Esdras  4.  48,  which  allusion  cannot  be  explained  by  any- 
thing in  the  present  book  of  Ezra,  and  to  the  other  fact 
that  certain  sections  of  the  narrative  found  only  in  I  Esdras 
reveal  the  same  interests  as  the  Chronicler,56  he  suggests 
that  i  Esdras  4.  4757  to  4.  56,  and  4.  62  to  5.  658  once 
stood  in  the  work  of  the  Chronicler,  immediately  after 
Ezra  i.  ii  and  immediately  before  Ezra  2.  i.  If  this 
theory  is  correct,  the  story  of  the  three  pages,  I  Esdras 
3.  i  to  4.  42,  must  be  regarded  as  an  interpolation  from  an 
unknown  source,  and  verses  like  4.  43,  44,  57-61 ;  5.  6a,  the 
words  "the  same  is  Zerubbabel"  in  4.  13,  and  the  substitu- 
tion of  Cyrus  in  4.  47  and  5.  2  as  harmonizing  modifica- 
tions by  the  interpolater. 

There  is  considerable  difference  of  opinion  regarding  the 
relation  of  First  Esdras  to  the  canonical  Ezra-Nehemiah : 

i.  Mention  may  be  made,  in  the  first  place,  of  the  view 
ably  developed  by  Sir  Henry  Howorth  that  First  Esdras 
represents  the  original  Septuagint  translation  of  the  Hebrew 
Ezra-Nehemiah,  while  Second  Esdras59  represents  the 
translation  of  Theodotion.  From  this  he  draws  the  further 
conclusion  that  First  Esdras  is  in  every  respect  superior 
to  and  of  greater  value  to  the  Old  Testament  student  than 
the  canonical  Ezra-Nehemiah. 


66  The  same  as  i  Esdras  5.  55. 

66  For  instance,  i  Esdras  4.  52-56,  63;  5.  2. 

67  Beginning  with  "wrote,"  the  subject  in  Chronicles  having  been 
Cyrus. 

68  Omitting,  "who  spoke  wise  sentences  before  Darius  the  king  of 
Persia." 

69  That  is,  the  canonical  Ezra-Nehemiah. 

314 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  ESDRAS 

2.  There  is  another  view  which  regards  First  Esdras  as 
a  secondary,  but  independent  compilation,  written  for  a 
specific  purpose.     The  motive  for  this  compilation  is  vari- 
ously interpreted.    Driver,  for  example,  suggests  that  "the 
writer  wished  partly  to  stimulate  his  countrymen  to  a  more 
zealous  observance  of  the  Law,  partly  by  the  example  of 
the  munificence  of  Cyrus  and  Darius  to  gain  for  them  the 
favor  of  some  foreign  ruler — perhaps  one  of  the  Ptole- 
mies."60 

3.  A  still  different  theory  is  worked  out  by  Torrey,  which 
is  summed  up  by  him  in  these  words :  "It  is  simply  a  piece 
taken  without  change  out  of  the  middle  of  a  faithful  Greek 
translation  of  the  Chronicler's   History  of   Israel   in  the 
form  which  was  generally  recognized  as  authentic  in  the 
last  century  B.  C.    This  was  not,  however,  the  original  form 
of  the  History,  but  one  which  had  undergone  several  impor- 
tant changes."61 

4.  S.  A.  Cook,  after  a  lengthy  discussion  of  the  whole 
subject,  advocates  a  still  different  view:  "All  the  data  sug- 
gest that  E.  [First  Esdras]  and  E.  N.  [the  canonical  Ezra- 
Nehemiah]    represent    concurrent   forms   which   have   in- 
fluenced each  other  in  the  earlier  stages  of  their  growth. 
They  are  rivals,  and  neither  can  be  said  to  be  wholly  older 
or  more  historical  than  the  other.    The  endeavor  was  made 
to  correct  E  to  agree  with  the  Massbretic  Text,  .  .  .  and 
the  presence  of  such  efforts  and  in  particular  the  doublets 
are  of  essential  importance  in  indicating  that  E's  text  does 
not  precisely  represent  a  Hebrew-Aramaic  work,  and  that 
when  all  allowance  is  made  for  correction  and  revision  of 
the  Greek,  problems  of  the  underlying  original  text  still 
remain.     But  it  was  impossible  to  make  any  very  satisfac- 
tory adjustment,  E  diverged  too  seriously  from  the  Mas- 
soretic  Text,  which  had  cut  the  chronological  knot  by  the 


60  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  554. 

61  Ezra  Studies,  p.  18. 

315 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

exclusion  of  the  story  of  Zerubbabel,  and  we  may  suppose 
that  this  facilitated  the  desire  for  the  more  literal  transla- 
tion of  Theodotion."62 

It  is  not  possible  to  go  into  a  detailed  discussion  of  the 
complex  problem  in  this  place;  but  evidently  criticism  has 
not  spoken  the  last  word  on  the  subject,  and  Cook  is  right 
when  he  admits  that  any  explanation  must  be  a  provisional 
one.  In  the  nature  of  the  case,  the  same  uncertainty  exists 
regarding  the  date  of  First  Esdras,  because  the  question  of 
date  is  closely  bound  up  with  the  question  as  to  its  relation 
to  the  canonical  books. 


62  In  R.  H.  Charles,  The  Apocrypha  and  Pseudepigrapha  of  the  Old 
Testament,  p.  19. 


316 


CHAPTER  XIII 
THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 


CHAPTER  XIII 
THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 

Name  and  Place  in  Canon.  Originally,  the  two  books 
of  Chronicles  in  the  English  Bible  formed  one  continuous 
work  called  in  Hebrew  <Qv®f3  *$?!,  Dibhre  Hayyamim, 
which  may  be  translated  "Acts"  or  "Annals  of  the  Days." 
The  early  Greek  translators  introduced  the  division  and 
called  the  two  books  Td  napaA«7r6/*eva,  Ta  Paraleipomena, 
which  may  be  rendered  "The  Things  Omitted"  or 
"Passed  Over" ;  that  is,  the  things  which  were  omitted 
in  the  other  historical  books,  especially  in  Samuel  and 
Kings.1  Jerome  adopted  the  division  as  also  the  Septua- 
gint  title,  Paralipomenon,  but  suggested  as  a  more  satis- 
factory equivalent  of  the  Hebrew  the  title  Chronic  on, 
from  which  is  derived  the  English  Chronicles. 

In  its  original  form  the  work  included  also  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah;  but  these  two  books,  covering  a  period  not 
dealt  with  in  the  other  historical  books  and  thus  having 
a  value  of  their  own,  were  separated  from  Chronicles 
before  the  extent  of  the  Jewish  canon  was  finally  fixed. 
As  a  result  they  have  had  a  history  of  their  own  and 
must  be  studied  by  themselves.2  The  English  Bible, 
following  the  Latin  Vulgate,  which  in  turn  is  dependent 
on  the  Greek  Septuagint,  places  Chronicles  after  Kings 

1  As  will  be  seen,  this  view  is  not  correct.    Chronicles  is  not  a  con- 
tinuation or  supplement  of  the  other  historical  books,  but  runs  parallel 
with  them. 

2  See  Chapter  XII. 

319 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

and  before  Ezra-Nehemiah,  thus  recognizing  the  fact 
that  Ezra-Nehemiah  are  the  continuation  of  Chronicles. 
But  this  is  not  the  order  in  the  Jewish  canon.  The  Mas- 
soretic  lists  and  the  MSS.  written  in  Spain  put  Chronicles 
first  among  the  books  in  the  third  division  of  the  Jewish 
Canon,  while  they  assign  last  place  to  Ezra-Nehemiah. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Talmud,  most  of  the  Hebrew 
MSS.  written  in  Germany,  and  the  early  printed  editions 
of  the  Hebrew  Bible  place  Chronicles  at  the  end  of  the 
list,  following  Ezra-Nehemiah;  which  has  been  inter- 
preted to  indicate  that  when  Ezra-Nehemiah  were  first 
separated  from  Chronicles  it  was  the  intention  to  admit 
only  the  former  into  the  canon,  because,  unlike  Chron- 
icles, they  dealt  with  an  important  period  in  the  life  of 
the  postexilic  community,  which  was  not  described  in  any 
other  Old  Testament  book,  and  to  exclude  Chronicles  as  a 
"superfluous  and  inferior  variant  of  Kings."  With  this 
interpretation  it  is  further  assumed  that  at  a  later  time, 
but  before  the  extent  of  the  third  division  of  the  canon 
was  finally  fixed,  Chronicles  was  admitted,  probably  be- 
cause of  its  emphasis  on  religious  institutions  and  prac- 
tices, which  were  so  highly  prized  in  the  later  postexilic 
period;  but  it  had  to  be  content  with  the  "ragged  end"  of 
the  collection,  either  at  the  beginning  or  at  the  close.3 

Contents  and  Outline.  Chronicles  is  neither  a  continu- 
ation of  nor  a  supplement  to  Samuel  and  Kings,  but  a 
parallel  to  the  historical  books  from  Genesis  to  Kings : 
it  covers  the  period  from  Adam  to  the  issuing  of  the  edict 
by  Cyrus,  in  B.  C.  538  or  537,  granting  permission  to 


*  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  Massorites  assigned  first  place  to 
Chronicles,  because  it  places  so  much  emphasis  on  temple  worship 
and  various  ceremonial  institutions.  This  explanation  is  possible,  but 
there  is  no  evidence  to  prove  the  assertion. 

320 


THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 

the  exiled  Jews  to  return  to  Jerusalem.4  The  two  books 
fall  naturally  into  four  parts:  I.  Genealogies,  intended 
primarily  to  trace  history  from  the  creation  of  man 
to  the  reign  of  Saul,  though  some  of  them  are  carried 
down  to  late  postexilic  days;5  II.  The  reign  of  David;6 
III.  The  reign  of  Solomon;7  IV.  The  history  of  Judah, 
from  the  division  of  the  kingdom  under  Rehoboam  to 
the  restoration  from  exile.8 

I.  GENEALOGIES — Principally  from  Adam  to  Saul  (i  Chron.  i.  i  to 

9-  44) 

1.  From  Adam  to  Isaac  (i.  i-34a). 

2.  Descendants  of  Isaac,  through  Esau  (i.  3413-54). 

3.  Descendants  of  Isaac,  through  Israel-Jacob  (2.  i  to  9.  44). 

(1)  From  Israel-Jacob  to  the  age  of  David  (2.  1-17). 

(2)  Descendants  of  Caleb   (2.  18-55). 

(3)  Davidic  line  from  David  to  Anani  (3.  1-24). 

(4)  Descendants  of  Judah  (4.  1-23). 

(5)  Descendants  of  Simeon   (4.  24-43). 

(6)  Descendants  of  Reuben,  Gad,  Manasseh — east  of  the  Jor- 

dan (5.  1-26). 

(7)  Descendants  of  Aaron  (6.  1-15,  49-53). 

(8)  Levite  singers  and  priests  (6.  16-48). 

(9)  Priestly  and  Levitical  cities   (6.  54-81). 

(10)  Descendants  of  Issachar,  Benjamin,  Naphtali,  Manasseh — 

west  of  the  Jordan,  Ephraim,  Asher  (7.  1-40). 
(n)  Descendants  of  Benjamin — line  of  Saul  (8.  1-40). 

(12)  Returned  exiles  (9.  1-34). 

(13)  Family  of  Saul  (9.  35-44)- 

II.  REIGN  OF  DAVID  (i  Chron.  10.  i  to  29.  30) 

1.  Death  of  Saul  and  of  his  sons  (10.  1-14). 

2.  Anointing  of  David  (n.  1-3). 

3.  Capture  of  Jebus — Jerusalem  (n.  4-9). 


4  Some  of  the  genealogies  continue  far  into  the  postexilic  period. 

5  i  Chron.,  Chapters  i  to  9. 

6 1  Chron.,  Chapters  10  to  29. 

7  2  Chron.,  Chapters  i  to  9. 

8  2  Chron.,  Chapters  10  to  36. 

321 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

4.  David's  heroes  and  their  exploits  (n.  10-47). 

5.  David's  adherents  (12.  1-40). 

6.  Attempt  to  bring  the  ark  to  Jerusalem  (13.  1-14). 

7.  Defeat  of  the  Philistines  (14.  1-17). 

8.  The  ark  in  Jerusalem  (15.  i  to  16.  43). 

9.  David's  purpose  to  build  the  temple  (17.  1-27). 
id.  David's  victories  (18.  i  to  20.  8). 

11.  Census  and  consequent  pestilence  (21.  1-27). 

12.  Preparations  for  the  building  of  the  temple  (21.  28  to  22.  19). 

13.  Provisions  for  the  temple  service  (23.  i  to  26.  28). 

14.  Civil  and  military  officials  (26.  29  to  27.  34). 

15.  Instructions  with  reference  to  the  building  of  the  temple  and  its 

service  (28.  i  to  29.  22a). 

16.  Accession  of  Solomon;  death  of  David  (29.  22b-3o). 

III.  REIGN  OF  SOLOMON  (2  Chron.  i.  i  to  9.  31) 

1.  Solomon's  sacrifice  at  Gibeon  and  choice  of  wisdom  (i.  1-13). 

2.  Solomon's  wealth  (i.  14-17). 

3.  Building  and  dedication  of  the  temple  (2.  i  to  7.  22). 

4.  Various  enterprises  of  Solomon  (8.  1-18). 

5.  Visit  of  the  queen  of  Sheba  (9.  1-12). 

6.  Solomon's  wealth  and  power  (9.  13-31). 

IV.  HISTORY  OF  JUDAH   FROM  THE  DIVISION  TO  THE  RESTORATION 
(2  Chron.  10.  i  to  36.  23) 

1.  Division  of  the  kingdom   (10.  1-19). 

2.  Reign  of  Rehoboam  (u.  i  to  12.  16). 

3.  Abijah  (13.  1-22). 

4.  Asa  (14.  i  to  16.  14). 

5.  Jehoshaphat  (17.  i  to  20.  37). 

6.  Jehoram  (21.  1-20). 

7.  Ahaziah  (22.  1-9). 

8.  Usurpation  of  Athaliah  (22.  10-12). 

9.  Death  of  Athaliah;  crowning  of  Joash  (23.  1-21). 

10.  Reign  of  Joash  (24.  1-27). 

11.  Amaziah  (25.  1-28). 

12.  Uzziah  (26.  1-23). 

13.  Jotham  (27.  1-9). 

14.  Ahaz  (28.  1-27). 

15.  Hezekiah  (29.  i  to  32.  33). 

16.  Manasseh  (33.  1-20). 

17.  Amon  (33.  21-25). 

18.  Josiah  (34.  i  to  35.  27). 

322 


THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 

19.  Jehoahaz  (36.  1-4). 

20.  Jehoiakim  (36.  5-8). 

21.  Jehoiachin  (36.  9,  10). 

22.  Zedekiah  and  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  (36.  11-21). 

23.  Decree  of  Cyrus  (36.  22,  23). 

Date.  i.  Relation  of  Chronicles  to  Ezra-Nehemiah. 
That  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah  are  the  work  of 
one  and  the  same  author  is  made  practically  certain  by 
the  following  considerations :  ( i )  Not  only  are  Ezra- 
Nehemiah  the  direct  continuation  of  Chronicles,  but  the 
closing  verses  of  Chronicles  are  identical  with  the  opening 
verses  of  Ezra.9  (2)  There  is  a  striking  similarity  in 
style  between  those  parts  in  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Nehe- 
miah which  were  not  taken  verbatim  from  earlier  sources. 
(3)  The  interest  of  all  three  books  centers  in  the  same 
things — the  temple  and  its  service,  the  priesthood,  the 
law,  statistics,  and  genealogies.  (4)  Internal  evidence  in 
Ezra-Nehemiah  points  to  the  same  date  for  these  books 
as  that  to  which  Chronicles  must  be  assigned.  Conse- 
quently, in  discussing  the  date  of  Chronicles  evidence 
furnished  by  the  other  two  books  may  also  be  considered. 

2.  Evidence  supplied  by  Chronicles.  If  Ezra-Nehe- 
miah and  Chronicles  were  written  by  one  and  the  same 
author,  Chronicles  cannot  be  earlier  than  the  activity  of 
Nehemiah,  about  B.  C.  450-430;  but  even  when  consid- 
ered by  itself,  the  available  evidence  points  to  the  late 
postexilic  period :  ( i )  The  fact  that  the  narrative  is  con- 
tinued to  the  first  year  of  Cyrus10  shows  that  it  was 
written  not  earlier  than  B.  C.  537.  (2)  The  reckoning  in 
darics,11  which  is  a  Persian  coin  named  after  Darius  I,12 


9  Compare  2  Chron.  36.  22,  23  with  Ezra  I.  1-33. 

10  2  Chron.  36.  22. 
11 1  Chron.  29.  7. 
12  B.  C.  522-485. 

323 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

implies  that  the  coin  was  well  known,  not  only  to  the 
writer,  but  also  to  the  reader;  otherwise  the  statement 
would  have  been  unintelligible;  but  this  presupposes  a 
date  not  earlier  than  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century. 
(3)  The  compiler  knew  the  Pentateuch  in  substantially 
its  final  form ;  for  he  uses  material  from  both  the  earliest 
and  the  latest  documents;13  which  suggests  a  date  not 
earlier  than  the  closing  years  of  the  fifth  century.  (4) 
In  i  Chron.  3.  19-24  the  Hebrew  text  traces  the  genealogy 
of  David  to  the  sixth  generation  after  Zerubbabel,  who 
was  prominent  about  B.  C.  520. 14  The  early  Greek, 
Syriac,  and  Latin  translations,  which  may  have  preserved 
the  original  reading,  carry  it  on  to  the  eleventh  genera- 
tion ;  but  even  the  Hebrew  text  would  point  to  a  date  not 
earlier  than  B.  C.  350. 

3.  Evidence  supplied  by  Ezra-Nehemiah.  The  testi- 
mony of  Chronicles  finds  corroboration  in  the  books  of 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah :  ( 5 )  The  book  of  Ezra  cannot  have 
been  written  by  Ezra  himself  but  must  come  from  an 
author  living  subsequently  to  Ezra ;  for  at  times  he  intro- 
duces Ezra  as  the  narrator,15  while  at  other  times  he 
writes  about  him.16  Indeed,  the  author  seems  to  have 
lived  after  the  fall  of  the  Persian  power,  that  is,  after 
B.  C.  332 ;  at  any  rate,  such  inference  may  be  drawn  from 
the  use  of  the  phrase  "king  of  Persia,"17  which  seems 
to  imply  that  the  kingdom  of  Persia  was  no  longer  in 
existence.  Documents  coming  from  the  Persian  period 


13  i  Chron.  i.  5-7=Gen.  10.  2-4  (P.);  I.  8-i6=Gen.  10.  6,  7  (P.)  plus 
10.  8,  !3-i8a  (J.);  i.  17-23  =Gen.  10.  22,  23  (P.)  plus   10.  24-29  (J.), 
etc. 

14  Hag.  i.  i,  14;  2.  2,  etc. 
"  8.  iff. 

16 10.  iff. 

17  Ezra  i.  i;  4.  5,  24;  7.  i,  etc. 

324 


THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 

name  simply  "the  king."18  (6)  The  book  of  Nehemiah 
cannot  come  from  Nehemiah,  because  in  it  reference  is 
made  to  Jaddua,  the  great-grandson  of  Eliashib,19  the 
contemporary  of  Nehemiah;20  according  to  Josephus,21 
this  Jaddua  was  high  priest  in  the  days  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  that  is,  about  B.  C.  330;  moreover,  the  "days  of 
Nehemiah"  are  referred  to  as  a  period  in  the  past.22  (7) 
The  language  and  style,  as  also  the  general  point  of 
view,23  point  unmistakably  to  a  late  date.24  All  the  evi- 


18  4.  8,  n,  23;  5.  6;  6.  3;  7.  ii.    The  difference  may  be  noted  also 
outside  of  Ezra.     Hag.  I.  I,  15  and  Zech.  7.  I  speak  of  Darius,  the 
king,  without  adding  the  name  of  the  country,  because  in  the  days  of 
these  prophets  Persia  was  still  in  existence.     The  same  practice  pre- 
vails in  the  Elephantine  Papyri,  written  in  the  fifth  century  B.  C.    On 
the  other  hand,  these  papyri  refer  to  the  kings  "of  Egypt,"  because 
when  the  letters  were  written  the  native  kingdom  was  a  thing  of  the 
past.    With  this  may  be  compared  the  reference  in  Ezra  5.  12  to  Nebu- 
chadnezzar "king  of  Babylon,"  because  the  statement  was  written 
after  the  downfall  of  Babylon. 

19  Neh.  12.  10,  n,  22. 

20  Neh.  13.  28. 

21  Antiquities,  XI,  viii,  4. 

22  Neh.  12.  47. 

23  See  further,  below,  pp.  331,  332. 

24  For  a  more  detailed  discussion  of  the  linguistic  evidence,  see  S.  R. 
Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  535ff. 
Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  article  "Chronicles";  and  especially 
E.  L.  Curtis,  The  Books  of  Chronicles,  pp.  27-36.    Curtis  sums  up  the 
whole  situation  in  these  words:  Chronicles  "exhibits  many  peculiarities 
of  phraseology  and  syntax.     Many  old  words  are  made  to  do  service 
in  new  ways  either  rare  or  unknown  in  the  older  language,  and  new 
words,  the  product  of  the  late  religious  organization  and  viewpoint, 
appear  frequently.    Also  the  incoming  Aramaic,  already  a  well-known 
language,  had  its  influence  on  the  Hebrew  of  the  Chronicler,  as  is 
shown  both  by  the  presence  of  Aramaic  loan-words  and  by  many  com- 
mon Aramaic  constructions.    The  many  peculiarities  of  syntax,  which 
are  against  the  common  usage  of  the  earlier  writers,  indicate  that  the 
compiler  and  author,  who  was  bilingual,  either  used  Hebrew  with  some 
difficulty  or  that  the  language  itself  was  decadent  in  his  day.    In  ad- 

325 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

dence,  therefore,  seems  to  favor  a  date  during  the  later 
postexilic  period,  following  the  time  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  or  about  B.  C.  300. 

Scope  and  Purpose.  Chronicles,  including  Ezra-Nehe- 
miah,  is  clearly  in  the  nature  of  a  compilation.  The 
material  used  by  the  compiler  was  derived,  in  part  from 
the  canonical  books  Genesis  to  Kings,  in  part  from  other 
sources.25  The  compiler  treated  this  earlier  material 
with  considerable  freedom;  and  the  scope  and  purpose 
of  the  entire  work  can,  perhaps,  best  be  determined  by 
a  study  of  the  excerpts  from  other  Old  Testament  books 
and  of  their  treatment  by  the  Chronicler.  Much  may  be 
learned,  for  instance,  from  the  omissions  in  material 
taken  from  other  books,  as  also  from  the  additions  made 
by  the  Chronicler,  whether  these  additions  were  derived 
from  other  sources  or  supplied  by  him.  Even  a  super- 
ficial comparison  of  Chronicles  with  other  canonical  books 
brings  out  the  fact  that  some  important  persons  and 
events  treated  at  length  in  Samuel  and  Kings  are  passed 
over  entirely  in  Chronicles  or  receive  but  slight  consider- 
ation. Thus,  there  is  almost  complete  silence  concerning 
the  northern  kingdom,  which  involves  the  omission  of 
the  extensive  Elijah  and  Elisha  narratives  in  the  books 
of  Kings.26  The  life  and  reign  of  Saul  receive  scant 
consideration ;  only  the  story  of  his  death  is  told  ;27  and 

dition  to  its  common  late  characteristics,  this  group  of  writings 
(Chronicles,  Ezra,  Nehemiah)  has  marked  peculiarities  of  style  and 
vocabulary.  Words  and  phrases  not  found  at  all  elsewhere  are  met 
frequently  both  in  passages  from  older  sources  which  have  been  worked 
over  and,  particularly,  in  additions  bearing  the  certain  marks  of  the 
compiler.  No  O.  T.  writer  reveals  himself  more  certainly"  (p.  27). 

25  See  further,  below,  pp.  332-335. 

26  Elijah  is  alluded  to  in  2  Chron.  21.  12,  not  derived  from  Kings, 
while  Elisha  is  not  mentioned  at  all. 

27  i  Chron.  10.  1-12  =  i  Sam.  31. 

326 


THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 

this  apparently  for  the  sole  purpose  of  pointing  a  moral.28 
Saul  being  a  wicked  king,  the  saintly  David  could  have 
no  affection  for  him;  hence  no  reference  is  made  to 
David's  grief  over  Saul's  death;29  nor  is  there  any  men- 
tion of  the  facts  that  for  several  years  the  rule  of  David 
extended  only  over  the  south,  or  of  the  efforts  of  Adoni- 
jah  to  make  himself  king.  It  seems  that,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, nothing  is  told  of  the  good  kings  that  could  or 
would  in  any  wise  weaken  the  force  of  their  good  ex- 
ample. This  tendency  is  especially  noteworthy  in  the  case 
of  David :  the  incidents  of  Uriah  and  Bathsheba,  of  Am- 
non,  Tamar,  and  Absalom,  all  described  at  length  in 
Samuel,  are  all  passed  over  in  silence.  There  is  no  refer- 
ence to  the  idolatry  of  good  King  Solomon,  or  to  the 
tribute  of  silver  and  gold  paid  by  Hezekiah,  another  pious 
ruler,  to  Sennacherib  of  Assyria.  Some  of  the  stories 
centering  around  prophets  were  either  omitted  or  greatly 
abbreviated.30  These  and  other  omissions  of  a  similar 
nature  cannot  be  explained  on  the  ground  that  the  stories 
were  known  to  the  people  who  had  access  to  Samuel  and 
Kings,  and  therefore  might  be  excluded  from  the  new 
work,  because  the  same  statement  might  be  made  regard- 
ing many  sections  that  are  repeated  word  for  word. 

The  additions  made  by  the  Chronicler  consist,  partly 
of  altogether  fresh  material,  partly  of  expansions  of  brief 
accounts  taken  from  earlier  sources,  and  partly  of  short 
additions  to  longer  narratives  found  also  in  Samuel  and 
Kings.  However,  all  of  these  additions,  long  and  short, 
reflect  one  and  the  same  spirit  and  point  of  view,  evidently 


28  i  Chron.  10.  13,  14. 

29  Compare  2  Sam.  I.  17-27. 

30  For  example,  the  story  of  Nathan,  2  Sam.  12,  and  the  incidents  in 
which  Isaiah  had  a  prominent  part,  2  Kings  18-20. 

327 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

the  spirit  and  point  of  view  of  the  compiler.  In  the  open- 
ing chapters  the  additions  consist  in  large  part  of  statis- 
tical matter,  such  as  genealogies  and  lists  of  names;  but 
even  these  are  significant  as  indicative  of  the  writer's 
chief  interest — nearly  one  half  of  the  genealogical  intro- 
duction is  devoted  to  Judah  and  Levi,  and  it  is  around 
the  same  two  tribes  that  the  rest  of  the  book  centers.  The 
narrative  sections  reveal  numerous  additions  relating  to 
the  organization  of  public  worship,  with  special  reference 
to  the  part  taken  by  Levites  and  singers.31  A  good  illus- 
tration of  this  tendency  may  be  seen  in  the  story  relating 
the  bringing  of  the  ark  to  Jerusalem.32  In  i  Chron. 
15.  13  David  is  introduced  as  explaining  why  the  first 
attempt  had  proved  a  failure;  there  were  no  Levites  to 
carry  the  ark;  hence  he  summons  Levites  to  assist  in  the 
ceremony.  Again,  the  long  section  i  Chron.  22.  2  to 
29.  30,  largely  in  the  nature  of  an  addition,  deals  almost 
exclusively  with  plans  for  the  building  of  the  temple  and 
with  Levites,  priests,  and  other  persons  needed  in  the 
temple  service.  Levites  also  occupy  a  prominent  place  in 
the  narratives  of  Jehoshaphat's  reign.33 

Many  of  the  additions  manifest  a  pronounced  didactic 
aim.  Indeed,  the  whole  book  makes  the  impression  that 
the  principal  purpose  of  the  Chronicler  from  beginning 
to  end  was,  not  to  write  history,  but  to  teach  a  great  truth, 
namely,  that  both  right  doing  and  wrong  doing  receive 
their  proper  reward.  "Kings  had  not  always  recorded 
the  sins  which  involved  a  disastrous  close  to  the  reigns 

31  The  interest  in  music  is  so  pronounced  that  it  has  been  conjectured 
that  the  compiler  was  a  Levite,  a  member  of  one  of  the  guilds  of  temple 
singers  or  musicians. 

32  Compare  i  Chron.  15.  1-24;  16.  4-42  with  2  Sam.  6. 

33  2  Chron.,  Chapters  17,   19,  20;  compare  also  i  Chron.  13.   1-5; 
2  Chron.  8.  13-15;  13.  2-22;  Chapters  29,  31,  35,  etc. 

328 


THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 

of  good  kings,  or  the  misfortunes  which  punished  the 
wickedness  of  bad  kings.  The  Chronicler,  as  far  as  his 
source  permitted,  supplied  these  defects/'34  Thus  Uzziah 
was  stricken  with  leprosy  because  he  insisted  on  offering 
incense  in  spite  of  the  earnest  protest  of  the  priests;35 
Josiah's  defeat  and  death  were  a  punishment  for  dis- 
obedience;36 the  long  reign  of  the  wicked  Manasseh  could 
be  explained  only  on  the  assumption  that  he  turned  to 
Yahweh  in  heartfelt  repentance.37  The  same  didactive 
motive  appears  in  the  introduction  of  certain  stories  in 
which  prophets  play  a  prominent  role;  for,  while  some 
of  the  prophetic  stories  in  Samuel  and  Kings  are  omitted 
or  abbreviated  by  the  Chronicler,  others  are  added. 
Prophets  are  brought  into  relation  with  kings,  to  whom 
they  predict  prosperity  as  a  reward  of  good  conduct  and 
adversity  as  a  punishment  for  bad  conduct.  Thus 
Shemaiah  announces  the  invasion  of  Judah  by  Shishak 
as  a  punishment  for  disloyalty  to  Yahweh,  but  promises 
a  modification  of  the  punishment  when  king  and  princes 
humble  themselves.38 

Of  interest  are  also  some  of  the  minor  changes  and 
modifications  in  material  derived  from  earlier  sources. 
For  example,  the  Chronicler,  believing  that  all  temple 


34  Bennett  and  Adeney,  A  Biblical  Introduction,  p.  115. 

35  2  Chron.  26.  i6ff. 

36  2  Chron.  35.  2 iff. 

37  2  Chron.  33.  nff.     Other  illustrations  may  be  found  in  I  Chron. 
10.  13,  14,  Saul's  death;   10.  10,  Uzza's  death;  2  Chron.  12.  2,   Shi- 
shak's  invasion;  21.  10,  failure  of  Jehoram;  22.  7,  destruction  of  Ahaziah; 
24.  24,  defeat  of  Joash;  25.  20,  defeat  of  Amaziah;  28.  4,  5,  defeat  of 
Ahaz;  36.  12,  troubles  of  Zedekiah,  etc. 

38  2  Chron.  12.  5-8;  compare  also  15.  1-15,  cause  of  Asa's  prosperity; 
16.  7-10,  cause  of  Asa's  partial  failure;  19.  1-3,  rebuke  of  Jehoshaphat; 
20.  14-17,  promise  of  victory;  20.  37,  prediction  of  shipwreck;  21.  12-15, 
Jehoram's  sickness,  etc. 

329 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

priests  belong  to  a  single  family  of  the  tribe  of  Levi, 
cannot  admit  that  at  any  time  in  the  past  a  member  of  any 
other  family  or  tribe  rilled  the  priestly  office ;  consequently, 
the  sons  of  David,  who,  according  to  Samuel,  were 
priests,  are  said  to  have  been  "chief  about  the  king."3 
In  i  Kings  8.  22  the  statement  is  made  that  Solomon 
stood  before  the  altar  while  he  offered  the  dedicatory 
prayer ;  according  to  the  Chronicler's  view  that  place  was 
reserved  exclusively  for  the  priest;  hence  he  makes  the 
king  construct  a  special  "brazen  scaffold,"40  upon  which 
to  stand.  According  to  2  Sam.  21.  19,  Elhanan  slew 
Goliath ;  according  to  i  Chron.  20.  5  he  slew  the  brother 
of  Goliath.  According  to  Kings,  Josiah  undertook  his 
work  of  reformation  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  his  reign, 
subsequently  to  the  finding  of  the  Law  of  Yahweh;41 
Chronicles,  in  order  to  show  the  devotion  of  the  king  in 
early  youth,  places  the  reform  movement  in  his  twelfth 
year;42  then,  strange  to  say,  six  years  later  the  Book  of 
the  Law  is  discovered.43  Since  the  Chronicler  describes 
both  Asa  and  Jehoshaphat  as  good  kings,  he  believes  that 
they  should  have  removed  the  high  places,  consequently 
he  states  that  they  did  so;44  afterward,  following  the 
account  in  Kings,45  he  represents  them  as  allowing  the 
high  places  to  remain.46  In  2  Sam.  24.  i  Yahweh  is 


39  Compare  i  Chron.  18.  17  with  2  Sam.  8.  18. 

40  2  Chron.  6.  13. 
41 2  Kings  22.  3ff. 

42  2  Chron.  34.  3. 

43  Verses  8ff . 

"2  Chron.  14.  5;  17.  6. 

46  i  Kings  15.  14;  22.  43. 

48  2  Chron.  15.  17;  20.  33.  In  view  of  the  almost  complete  silence  of 
the  Chronicler  concerning  the  northern  kingdom  "Israel"  in  15.  17 
must  be  understood  as  equivalent  to  "Judah,"  compare  n.  3.  Other- 

330 


THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 

introduced  as  causing  David  to  number  the  people;  but, 
in  view  of  the  sequel,  the  introduction  of  Yahweh  in  this 
connection  involved  a  conception  of  his  character  not 
in  accord  with  the  more  ethical  ideals  of  the  Chronicler's 
age;  hence  he  substitutes  Satan  for  Yahweh.47 

These  and  other  similar  changes  introduced  by  the 
Chronicler  reveal  the  scope  and  purpose  of  the  entire 
work :  Chronicles  must  be  regarded  as  an  "Ecclesiastical" 
History  of  Israel,  a  history  written  from  the  point  of 
view  of  the  Priestly  Code,48  a  point  of  view  that  domi- 
nated the  whole  religious  thought  and  life  of  the  later 
postexilic  period.  The  compiler  knew  the  Priestly  Law 
and  was  in  entire  sympathy  with  it ;  moreover,  accepting 
its  Mosaic  origin,  he  believed  that  its  authority  had  been 
recognized  and  its  provisions  had  been  observed  by  all 
the  God-fearing  kings  of  Israel.  With  this  view  of  the 
influence  exerted  by  the  Priestly  Code,  it  is  not  strange 
that  he  should  represent  the  good  kings  David,  Solomon, 
Jehoshaphat,  Hezekiah,  and  Josiah  as  worshiping  Yah- 
weh with  a  full  accompaniment  of  ritual,  priests,  Levites, 
and  choirs,  and  according  to  all  the  ceremonial  laws  of 
the  Pentateuch.  Naturally,  this  view  of  the  earlier  his- 
tory determined  in  large  measure  the  selection  of  the 
material  to  be  used  in  the  new  work.  But,  as  has  already 
been  suggested,  the  Chronicler  was  dominated  by  another 
motive ;  he  had  no  interest  in  history  as  such,  but  only  in 
the  religious  lessons  that  might  be  learned  from  history. 

wise  it  would  have  to  be  regarded  as  an  editorial  addition  for  the  pur- 
pose of  harmonizing  15.  17  with  14.  5.  No  such  addition  is  made  in 
2O-  33»  and  as  a  result  the  contradiction  remains. 

47  i  Chron.  21.  i;  compare  also  2  Sam.  24.  24  with  I  Chron.  21.  25; 
i  Kings  n.  ii  with  2  Chron.  8.  2;  i  Sam.  28.  6  with  i  Chron.  10.  14; 
i  Kings  3.  4-13  with  2  Chron.  i.  3-6. 

48  See  F.  C.  Eiselen,  The  Books  of  the  Pentateuch,  pp.  247(1.;  308-312. 

331 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

His  chief  aim  appears  to  have  been  to  teach  that  virtue 
and  vice,  in  private  life  and  in  national  affairs,  would 
sooner  or  later  receive  their  dues;  and  he  selected  from 
the  sources  at  his  disposal  only  such  material  as  could  be 
used  to  illustrate  or  give  added  emphasis  to  this  funda- 
mental idea. 

The  "ecclesiastical"  interest  of  the  compiler  explains 
the  almost  complete  silence  concerning  the  period  before 
David  and  concerning  the  northern  kingdom.  The  age 
of  the  Judges  was  an  age  of  anarchy,  during  which  the 
Law  was  forgotten.  The  northern  kingdom  had  revolted 
from  Yahweh  and  from  Judah,  it  had  fallen  into  sin 
and  idolatry;  hence  Yahweh  was  in  reality  absent  from 
Israel,49  and  allowed  it  to  be  taken  into  exile,  from  which 
there  was  no  return.  Judah,  on  the  other  hand,  was  the 
people  of  Yahweh's  choice,  Jerusalem  was  the  holy  city, 
and  the  center  of  it  all  was  the  temple,  the  dwelling  place 
of  Yahweh.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  even  in  the 
genealogies  in  the  opening  chapters  a  disproportionate 
amount  of  space  is  given  to  Judah  and  to  the  "ecclesiasti- 
cal" tribe  Levi. 

Sources.  A  comparison  of  Chronicles  with  the  other 
historical  books  of  the  Old  Testament  shows  that  it  con- 
sists to  a  considerable  extent  of  extracts,  more  or  less 
modified,  from  the  books  of  Samuel  and  Kings,  and  that 
it  is  dependent,  though  to  a  less  extent,  upon  the  Penta- 
teuch and  Joshua.50  The  compiler  himself  cites  a  number 
of  sources,  or  one  source  under  a  variety  of  titles,  which, 
he  states,  furnish  additional  information  concerning  the 
events  narrated.  These  sources  are:  (i)  The  book  of 


49  2  Chron.  25.  7. 

60  E.  L.  Curtis,  The  Books  of  Chronicles,  pp.  17-19;  S.  R.  Driver, 
Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  519-525. 

332 


THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 

the  kings  of  Judah  and  Israel;51  (2)  the  book  of  the 
kings  of  Israel  and  Judah;52  (3)  the  words  (acts)  of 
the  kings  of  Israel;53  (4)  the  words  (acts)  of  Samuel 
the  seer;54  (5)  the  words  (acts)  of  Nathan  the  prophet;55 
(6)  the  words  (acts)  of  Gad  the  seer;56  (7)  the  words 
(acts)  of  Shemaiah  the  prophet  and  of  Iddo  the  seer;57 
(8)  the  words  (acts)  of  Jehu  the  son  of  Hanani;58  (9) 
the  words  (acts)  of  Hozai,  or,  of  the  seers;59  (10)  the 
vision  of  Isaiah  the  prophet;60  (n)  the  visions  of  Iddo 
the  seer;61  (12)  the  Midrash  of  the  book  of  kings;62 
(13)  the  Midrash  of  the  prophet  Iddo;63  (14)  the  words 
(acts)  of  Uzziah,  written  by  Isaiah  the  prophet;64  (15) 
the  prophecy  of  Ahijah  the  Shilonite.65  These  fifteen 
sources  are  introduced  with  very  much  the  same  formu- 
la;66 and  though  the  language  used  suggests  primarily 


61  For  Asa,  2  Chron.  16.  n;  Amaziah,  25.  26;  Ahaz,  28.  26.    There 
is  a  difference  in  the  Hebrew  construction  between  2  Chron.  16.  n,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  remaining  passages  on  the  other. 

62  For  Jotham,  2  Chron.  27.  7;  for  Josiah,  35.  26,  27;  see  also  the 
Septuagint  translation  of  I  Chron.  9.  I. 

63  For  Manasseh,  2  Chron.  33.  18. 

64  For  David,  i  Chron.  29.  29. 

65  For  David,  i  Chron.  29.  29;  for  Solomon,  2  Chron.  9.  29. 
M  For  David,  i  Chron.  29.  29. 

67  For  Rehoboam,  2  Chron.  12.  15. 

68  For  Jehoshaphat,  2  Chron.  20.  34. 

69  For  Manasseh,  2  Chron.  33.  19. 

60  For  Hezekiah,  2  Chron.  32.  32. 

61  For  Solomon,  2  Chron.  9.  29. 
82  For  Joash,  2  Chron.  24.  27. 

63  For  Abijah,  2  Chron.  13.  22. 

64  For  Uzziah,  2  Chron.  26.  22. 

66  For  Solomon,  2  Chron.  9.  29. 

66  Reference  is  made,  but  in  a  different  manner,  to  "the  chronicles  of 
King  David,"  i  Chron.  27.  24;  "the  last  words  of  David,"  i  Chron. 
23.  27;  "the  lamentations"  (concerning  Josiah),  2  Chron.  35.  25;  "gene- 
alogies," i  Chron.  5.  17. 

333 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

that  in  them  further  information  concerning  the  persons 
and  events  described  may  be  found,  it  may  be  safe  to 
infer  also  that  the  compiler  made  use  of  them  in  the 
production  of  his  work. 

It  is  by  no  means  certain  that  the  fifteen  titles  enumer- 
ated refer  to  fifteen  distinct  sources.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  i  and  2  are  identical;  3,  though  spoken  of  as 
the  acts  of  the  kings  of  Israel,  is  cited  for  Manasseh, 
a  king  of  Judah ;  perhaps  it  also  is  simply  a  variation  of 
i.  Source  8  is  said  to  have  formed  a  part  of  the  book 
of  the  kings  of  Israel,  and  source  10  a  part  of  the  book 
of  the  kings  of  Judah  and  Israel.  All  this  may  mean 
that  i,  2,  3,  8,  10,  that  is,  five  of  the  fifteen  titles,  refer 
to  one  and  the  same  source  or  to  different  parts  of  the 
same.  If  this  conclusion  is  warranted,  may  the  further 
inference  be  drawn  that  the  other  prophetic  sources  cited 
— Samuel,  Nathan,  Gad,  Shemaiah,  Iddo,  Ahijah — are 
parts  of  the  same  continuous  work,  each  part  taking  its 
name  from  its  central  prophetic  figure?  In  other  words, 
is  there  adequate  reason  for  believing  that  the  fifteen  titles 
refer,  not  to  fifteen  separate  sources,  but  to  one  single 
source,  called,  perhaps,  "the  book  of  the  kings  of  Israel 
and  Judah"?  This  question  cannot  be  definitely  settled; 
it  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  there  is  nothing  in- 
herently improbable  in  the  view  that  all  the  references 
are  to  one  and  the  same  historical  work. 

If  so,  was  this  "book"  the  canonical  book  of  Kings, 
perhaps,  plus  the  story  of  the  United  Kingdom  as  re- 
corded in  Samuel?  Now,  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  both 
these  canonical  books  were  in  existence  when  Chronicles 
was  compiled,  and,  moreover,  that  the  compiler  made 
extensive  use  of  them;  nevertheless,  the  source  book  of 
the  Chronicler  cannot  be  identified  with  the  canonical 

334 


THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 

book  of  Kings,  for  the  simple  reason  that  it  must 
have  contained  information  not  found  in  Samuel  and 
Kings.67  But  if  the  source  book  of  the  Chronicler,  re- 
ferred to  under  a  variety  of  names,  may  be  called  "the 
Midrash  of  the  book  of  Kings,"68  the  conclusion  may  be 
warranted  that,  though  it  cannot  have  been  the  canonical 
Kings,  it  was  a  Midrash,  that  is,  an  edifying  commentary, 
on  the  canonical  book.  It  may  be,  therefore,  that  in  addi- 
tion to  the  canonical  sources69  the  Chronicler  used  "a 
work  based  on  the  canonical  book  of  Kings,  and  amplified 
by  exegetical  inferences  and  edifying  details,  or  stories 
told  to  enhance  the  glory  or  the  moral  significance  of 
some  of  the  persons  or  events  in  the  original  work."70 

Value  and  Significance.  In  estimating  the  value  of 
the  books  of  Chronicles  the  scope  and  purpose  of  the 
compiler,  as  discussed  earlier  in  this  chapter,  must  be 
kept  in  mind.  A  comparison  with  the  other  historical 
books  of  the  Old  Testament  reveals  the  fact  that  its  his- 
torical value  is  inferior  to  that  of  the  canonical  books 
from  which  much  of  its  material  is  drawn.  True,  it 
offers  a  parallel  text,  which  in  some  cases  may  have 


87  For  example,  there  is  nothing  in  the  story  of  Jehoshaphat  as  narrated 
in  Kings  that  could  be  called  "the  words  of  Jehu  the  son  of  Hanani," 
2  Chron.  20.  34;  the  prayer  of  Manasseh  is  not  a  part  of  the  canonical 
Kings,  2  Chron.  33.  18;  nor  are  the  genealogies  referred  to  in  I  Chron. 
9.  i.  For  further  information  regarding  Jotham  the  reader  is  referred 
to  the  book  of  the  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah,  but  Chronicles  tells  more 
about  him  than  the  canonical  Kings  (2  Kings  15.  32-38). 

68  Source  12  above;  compare  2  Chron.  24.  27. 

69  The  question  has  been  raised  whether  the  Chronicler  availed  him- 
self of  the  canonical  books  at  all,  or  depended  exclusively  on  a  Midrash. 
Though  the  question  cannot  be  settled  with  absolute  certainty,  the 
theory  that  he  used  both  the  canonical  books  and  the  Midrash  offers 
the  most  satisfactory  explanation  of  all  the  facts  in  the  case. 

70  G.  B.  Gray,  A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  96. 

335 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

preserved  a  more  original  reading;  but,  since  the  Chron- 
icler did  not  hesitate  to  modify  his  "ources  to  suit  his 
own  ideas,  the  testimony  of  the  other  books  is  on  the 
whole  to  be  preferred.  It  has  also  been  suggested  that 
the  compiler  had  access  to  sources  other  than  the  canonical 
books71  and  older  than  the  Midrash,  but  this  is  by  no 
means  certain.  If  such  sources  were  accessible  to  him, 
he  may  have  derived  from  them  some  items  of  informa- 
tion not  found  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testament.  Thus 
the  genealogies  in  i  Chron.,  Chapters  i  to  9,  when 
freed  of  later  additions,  may  rest  on  reliable  early  au- 
thorities; as  may  also  be  the  case  with  the  information 
regarding  several  interesting  incidents  in  Hebrew  his- 
tory narrated  in  Chronicles,  and  nowhere  else  in  the  Old 
Testament.72  However,  on  the  whole,  the  judgment  of 
Professor  Sayce  as  to  the  historical  character  of  Chron- 
icles is  well  founded :  "The  consistent  exaggeration  of 
numbers  on  the  part  of  the  Chronicler73  shows  us  that 

71  Perhaps  sources  used  in  the  compilation  of  these  books. 

72  For  example,  2.  Chron.  n.  5-12,  the  fortifications  of  Rehoboam; 
2  Chron.  27.  3,  4,  the  building  enterprises  of  Jotham;  2  Chron.  26.  5-15, 
Uzziah's  enterprises  in  peace  and  war;  there  is  also  additional  informa- 
tion relating  to  wars  carried  on  by  some  of  the  kings,  2  Chron.  14.  9-15; 
17.  II;  21.  16;  26.  7;  28.  17,  18. 

73  The  Chronicler  resembles  in  this  respect  the  Priestly  Code.     As 
illustrative  of  this  tendency  to  exaggerate,  attention  may  be  called  to 
facts  like  these:  The  Chronicler  credits  David  with  preparing  for  the 
building  of  the  temple  100,000  talents  of  gold  and  1,000,000  talents  of 
silver  (i  Chron.  22.  14),  and  with  contributing  out  of  his  own  personal 
resources  3,000  talents  of  gold  and  7,000    talents  of    silver  (29.  4); 
the  officials  are  said  to  have  contributed  of  gold  5,000  talents  and 
10,000  darics,  of  silver  10,000  talents,  of  brass  18,000  talents,  and  of 
iron  100,000  talents.    Sacrificial  animals  are  numbered  by  the  thou- 
sands (i  Chron.  29.  21;  2  Chron.  29.  32,  33;  30.  24;  35.  8,  9),  and  the 
numbers  of  warriors  are  in  many  instances  incredibly  large.     On  all 
these  points  and  others  of  a  similar  nature  a  comparison  with  the  older 
narratives  in  Samuel  and  Kings  is  exceedingly  suggestive. 

336 


THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 

from  a  historical  point  of  view  his  unsupported  state- 
ments must  be  received  with  caution.  But  they  do  not 
justify  the  accusations  of  deliberate  fraud  and  'fiction* 
which  have  been  brought  against  him.  What  they  prove 
is  that  he  did  not  possess  that  sense  of  historical  exacti- 
tude which  we  now  demand  from  the  historian.  He 
wrote  in  fact  with  a  didactic  and  not  with  a  historical 
purpose.  That  he  should  have  used  the  framework  of 
history  to  illustrate  the  lessons  he  wished  to  draw  was 
as  much  an  accident  as  that  Sir  Walter  Scott  should  have 
based  certain  of  his  novels  on  the  facts  of  mediaeval 
history.  He  cared  as  little  for  history  in  the  modern 
European  sense  of  the  word  as  the  Oriental  of  to-day, 
who  considers  himself  at  liberty  to  embellish  or  modify 
the  narrative  he  is  repeating  in  accordance  with  his  fancy 
*or  the  moral  he  wishes  to  draw  from  it."74 

The  religious  teaching  of  Chronicles  gives  evidence  of 
the  limitations  of  the  age  in  which  the  book  was  written. 
Though  there  are  some  expressions  of  intense  religious 
fervor,  the  book  defines  religion  largely  in  terms  of  ritual 
and  ceremonial,  and  never  loses  an  opportunity  to  empha- 
size external  observances.  Its  attitude  toward  the  moral 
problems  of  life  is  superficial;  there  is  no  sign  of  per- 
plexity such  as  troubles  the  author  of  Job.  The  author 
believes  without  question  in  a  mechanical  correspondence 
between  conduct  and  destiny.  The  reward  of  piety  is 
prosperity,  while  prosperity  is  an  infallible  proof  of 
piety;  in  the  same  way,  the  punishment  of  sin  is  adversity, 
while  adversity  is  an  infallible  proof  of  sin.  No  doubt, 
in  its  own  day  the  book  served  an  important  didactic  pur- 
pose, of  encouragement  and  of  warning;  but  to  the 
modern  student  its  chief  value  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  en- 


74  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Monuments,  p.  464. 

337 


THE  PSALMS  AND  OTHER  SACRED  WRITINGS 

ables  him  to  understand  more  clearly  the  ideas  and  beliefs 
of  the  age  out  of  which  it  sprang.  It  is  invaluable  as  a 
document  which  reflects  more  vividly  than  any  other  Old 
Testament  book  the  spirit  and  the  moral,  religious  and 
ecclesiastical  ideals  of  the  Jews  in  the  fourth  century 
before  the  opening  of  the  Christian  era. 


338 


INDEX 


INDEX 


I.  SUBJECTS  DISCUSSED 


Accent  in  Meter,  13,  21,  22 

Acrostic,  31,  201 

Agur,  103,  104 

Allegorical  Interpretation  of  Song 

of  Songs,  166-169 
Angels  in  Book  of  Daniel,  279,  280 
Antithetic  Parallelism,  17 
Apocryphal  Additions 

To  Daniel,  252,  253 

To  Esther,  235 

Apocalyptic  Literature,  274-276 
Aramaic 

In  Daniel,  258,  269-271,  283(1. 

In  Ezra,  298-301 
Arrangement  of  Psalms,  71 
Artaxerxes,  308 

Artificial  Devices  in  Poetry,  296? . 
Ascending  Rhythm,  18 
Azariah,  Prayer  of,  252 

Bel  and  the  Dragon,  252 
Bilingual     Character,     Book     of 

Daniel,  258,  283-288 
Blank  Verse,  14 

Canon 

Chronicles,  319,  320 

Daniel,  251,  252 

Ecclesiastes,  228,  229 

Esther,  235-237 

Song  of  Songs,  166 
Chronicles,  Books  of,  3i9ff. 

Additions,  327-329 

An  Ecclesiastical  History,  331, 
332 

Canonicity,  319,  320 

Contents,  320-323 


Date,  323-326 

Historical  Significance,  336,  337 

Modifications,  329-331 

Name,  319 

Omissions,  326 

Relation  to  Ezra-Nehemiah,  323 

Religious  Significance,  337,  338 

Scope  and  Purpose,  326-332 

Sources,  332-335 
Classification  of  Psalms,  7 iff. 
Climactic  Parallelism,  18 
Compilation  of  Psalter,  64** . 

Date  of,  69-71 

Daniel 

Author  of  Book,  256-274 
Historical  Character,  277,  278 

Daniel,  Book  of,  251*?. 
Apocryphal  Additions,  252,  253 
Bilingual  Character,  258,  269- 

271,  283-288. 
Canonicity,  251,  252 
Contents,  253-256 
Date  and  Authorship,  256-274 
Historical  Character,  277,  278 
Historical  Inaccuracies,  265-269 
Of  Maccabean  Origin,  263-274 
Significance,  273-277 
Teaching,  278-282 
Theology,  271,  272 

David 

Character,  55,  56 
Founder  of  Psalmody,  43 
Musical  Skill,  51,  52 
Writer  of  Psalms,  42,  470*. 

Davidic  Psalms,  49ff.,  57,  58 

Deborah,  Song  of,  50 


341 


INDEX 


Development  of  Hebrew  Religion, 

55,  56 

Devotional  Value  of  Psalms,  78-80 
Distich,  25 

Divine  Names  in  Psalms,  67,  68 
Doxologies,  42 
Dramatic  Poetry,  31-33 

Ecclesiastes,  Book  of,  2130*. 

Canonicity,  228,  229 

Contents,  214,  215 

Date  and  Authorship,  222-228 

Greek  Influence,  225-227 

Inconsistencies,  216-218 

Interpolations,  2 1 9-22 1 

Literary  Form,  215-221 

Meaning  of  Term,  213 

Postexilic,  224-228 

Significance,  228-231 

Unity,  215-221 

Ecclesiastical  History,  331,  332 
Ecclesiasticus,  61,  62 
Elihu,  Speeches  of,  133,  136,  143- 

146 

Emotion  in  Poetry,  13,  15 
Epic  Poetry,  31,  32 
Esdras,  First  Book  of,  313-316 
Esther,  235 
Esther,  Book  of,  2350*. 

Canonicity,  235 

Contents,  237,  238 

Date,  246-248 

Historical  Character,  238-245 

Mythological  Elements,  243, 244 
Ezra,  293 

Date,  308-311 

Historicity,  310,  311 

Memoirs,  297,  298,  302,  303 

Mission,  308-311 
Ezra  and  Nehemiah,   Books  of, 
29  iff. 

Contents,  291-295 

Date,  295-301 


Division,  291 

Historical  Value,  301-312 

Manner  of  Composition,   295- 

301 

Relation  to  Chronicles,  323 
Sources,  297-301 

False  Wise  Men,  86 
Friends  of  Job,  132,  136 

Gnomic  Poetry,  34 
Greek  Influence 

Proverbs,  109 

Ecclesiastes,  225-227 

Hebrew  Language,  29,  30 
Hebrew  Poetry,  Characteristics,  15 
Hexastich,  27 
Historical  Situation  Reflected  in 

Psalms,  53,  54,  72ff. 
Holy  Children,  Song  of  the  Three, 

252 

Imagination  in  Poetry,  13,  15 
Individual  Psalms,  75-78 

Jeremiah,    Author    of    Lamenta- 
tions, 202-207 
Job,  125,  126,  136 

Character,  140 

Folk  Tale  of,  139-143 

Friends,  132,  136 

Historical  Character,  158,  159 
Job,  Book  of,  33,  125**. 

Contents,  1256?. 

Date  and  Authorship,  15 iff. 

Historical  Character,  158,  159 

Home,  1 60,  161 

Literary  Form,  130-132 

Original  Extent,  I38ff. 

Problem,  132-137 

Prologue  and  Epilogue,  135, 136, 
139-143 


343 


INDEX 


Job,  Book  of  (continued) : 
Religious  Solution,  137 
Soliloquy  on  Wisdom,  149,  150 

Jotham,  Fable  of,  34 

I£inah,  22,  23,  199 
Kfnah  Meter,  22,  23,  201 
Kingdom  of  God,  in  Daniel,  278, 
279 

Lamentation,  22,  23,  199 
Lamentations,  Book  of,  1990*. 

Contents,  199,  200 

Date  and  Authorship,  202-207 

Dates  of  Individual  Poems,  208, 
209 

Literary  Form,  201 

Significance,  209 

Unity,  207,  208 
Lemuel,  104 

Literary  Dependence,  53-55 
Lyric  Poetry,  31,  33,  34 

Maccabean  Crisis,  273,  274 

Maccabean  Psalms,  60-63 

Megilloth,  165,  203 

Meter,  13,  2  iff. 

Monostich,  25 

Moses,  Author  of  Job,  151,  152 

Nehemiah,  293,  294 
Memoirs,  297,  298,  302 

Parallelism  of  Members,  isff.,  24 

Babylonian,  19 

Egyptian,  19 

Kinds,  17,  1 8 

Origin,  19,  20 
Pentastich,  27 
Pessimism,  134,  229,  230 
Philosophy 

Of  Calamity,  89,  90 

Of  Evil,  90-92 

Of  History,  89 


Poetic  Books,  12 
Poetic  Units,  13,  24*!. 
Poetry 

Characteristics,  12 

Definition,  12,  13 

Kinds,  3 iff. 
Poetry,  Hebrew 

Extent,  n,  12,  50,  51 

Secular,  34,  35 
Prayer,  39 

Pre-exilic  Psalms,  58-60 
Proverbs,  88 

Definition,  95,  96 

Definition  of  Religion,  121 

Greek  Influence,  109 

Postexilic,  108-112 

Practical  Teaching,  120,  121 

Pre-exilic,  112-114 

Religious  Basis,  120 

Value,  119,  1 20 
Proverbs,  Book  of,  950*. 

Compilation,  U3ff.,  115 

Contents,  96-102 

Date  and  Authorship,  losff. 

Value,  119,  1 20 
Psalms,  Book  of,  39ff. 

A   Priori   Evidence   Regarding 
Dates,  50-52 

Arrangement,  71 

Authors,  42,  43 

Classification,  7  iff. 

Compilation,  64ff. 

Date  and  Authorship,  47ff. 

Dates  of  Individual  Psalms,  63, 
64 

Davidic,  496?.,  57,  58 

Devotional  Value,  78-80 

Division,  40,  41,  658". 

External    Evidence    Regarding 
Dates,  52,  53 

Internal    Evidence    Regarding 
Dates,  53-58 

Interpretation,  75ff. 


343 


INDEX 


Psalms,  Book  of  (continued) : 

Maccabean,  60-63 

Number,  40,  41 

Pre-exilic,  58-60 

Speaker  in,  74ff. 
Psalm  Titles,  426?. 

Additions  to,  44 

and  Contents,  45 

and  Language,  45 

Attitude  toward,  46 

Origin,  46 

Significance,  43ff. 
Purim,  Feast  of,  Origin,  244-246 

Rebuilding  of  Temple,  306,  307 
Religious  Development,  55,  56 
Resurrection,  275,  280,  281 
Return  from  Exile,  304-306 
Rhythm,  13,  14 

Ascending,  18 
Rime,  14,  30,  31 
Ruth,  Book  of,  i89ff. 

Aim,  190-193 

Contents,  189,  190 

Date  and  Authorship,  193-195 

Secular  Poetry,  34,  35 
Skepticism,  134,  229,  230 
Solomon,  Author  of  Ecclesiastes, 

222-224 

Author  of  Job,  153 
Author  of  Psalms,  42,  43 
Author  of  Proverbs,  105!!.,  118 
Author  of  Song  of  Songs,  182 
Hero  of  Song  of  Songs,  169-174 
Song  of  Songs,  33,  i65ff. 
Allegorical  Interpretation,  166- 

169 

Authorship  and  Date,  182-185 
Canonicity,  166 

Collection  of  Love  Songs,  174- 
176,  180,  181 


Dramatic  Interpretation,   169- 
i?4 

Lyric  Interpretation,    174-176, 
180,  181 

Name,  165 

Song  of  the  Sword,  12 
Speaker  in  Psalms,  74ff. 
Speculation,  89-92,  132-137,  216- 

218 

Stanza,  25 
Stichos,  22,  24ff. 
Strophe,  27ff. 
Suffering,  132-137 

Susanna,  252 

Synonymous  Parallelism,  17 
Synthetic  Parallelism,  17 

Tetrastich,  26 

Theological     Ideas    reflected    in 

Psalms,  53-55 
Thought  Lyric,  34 
Tristich,  26 

Verse,  24 

Wars  of  Yahweh,  Book  of,  II 
Wedding  Songs  in  Palestine,  175, 

180,  181 
Wisdom,  98 

and  Philosophy,  83 

Growth  of  Movement,  87ff. 

and  Speculation,  89-92 
Wisdom  Literature,  836?. 
Wisdom  Movement,  875. 
Wise    Men,    Aim   and   Function, 
84-87 

Characteristics,  85 

False,  86 
Writings,  7 

Yahweh,  Speeches  of ,  136,  146-148 
Yashar,  Book  of ,  1 1 


344 


INDEX 


II.  BIBLICAL  PASSAGES 

PAGE  PAGE 

Gen.  4.  23,  24 30, 35,  51  2  Sam.  24.  i 330 

36.  13--  •• 125  i  Kings.  i.3ff 173 

46.  13 125  3.  16-28 105 

49-  2-27 35, 51  4.  29-34 105 

Exod.  15.  1-18 16, 35, 50  4.  32 165 

15.11 68  8.22 330 

15-18 25  10.  I 106 

20.  2 68      2  Kings.  25.  27 243 

Num.  21.  14,  15 35      i  Chron.  10.  1-12 326 

21.  17,  18 35,5i          10.  13,  14 327 

21.  27-30 35          15.  13 328 

24-  8 27          20.  5 330 

Deut.  22.  I3ff 174          21.  i 156,331 

25-  9,  10 193          23.  5 43, 52 

32 16          25.  1-7 43 

33-  2-29 35      2  Chron.  12.  5-8 329 

Josh.  10.  12,  13 35          21.  12 326 

Judg.  5.  2-31 35, 50          25.  7 332 

9-  8-15 34, 35, 87          26.  i6ff 329 

14-14 • 30          29.  25 52 

14,  15 35      2  Chron.  33.  iiff 329 

Ruth  4.  7 193          35.  2iff 329 

1  Sam.  10.  12 87          35.25 203 

16.  1-13 190          36.  22,  23 323 

16.  18 51      Ezra  1.1-3 323 

18.  7 35          3-  8ff 306 

22.  3,  4 191          4.  6-23 297 

3i 326          4.  17-22 299 

2  Sam.  i.  17 50          5-6-17 299 

i.  19-27 35,327          5-  16 306 

3-  33,  34 35          6.  1-12 299 

5-  8 87          6.  12 300 

12.  1-7 88          6.  19-22 299 

20.  18 87          7.  i-io 299 

21.  19 330         7.  7,  8 308 

22.  I 52  7.  12-26 299 

23-1 51         7-  17 300 

345 


INDEX 

PAGE  PAGE 

Ezra  8.  24-27 3°3   Psa.  3.  7 26 

9-  9 309    4-  i 26 

Neh.  2.  i 308    5.  ii 26 

8.  9 309    8.  5 153 

10.  I 309    9 31, 40 

12.  ii 292,297    10 3!,4° 

12.22 292,297    14 68 

12.  47 297    18 48,  52 

13.  23-29 191    18.  i 25 

Esth.  I.  3 240    19 40 

1.  4 241    19.  7-9 25 

1.19-22 241    20 45 

2.  6 240    21 45 

2.  17 241    24 40 

3-  7 238    24.  7-10 32 

4-  14 236    25 31 

9.  19 246    25.  1-3 34 

10.  1-3 242    27 40 

Job  i.  9 132    27.  i 44 

2.  9 142    29.  i 18 

3 154    34 40 

7.  17 *53, 157    36 3i 

26.  5-14 i$o    40.  13-17 68 

27.  7-23 150    42 40 

28 149    43 40 

31.35-37 *44    44 62 

32.  i-5 143    45 35 

38.  I,  2 144    50.  7 68 

38.2 140    53 68 

40.  2 140    57-  7~" 40, 68 

42.  7 134, 140, 142    59-  i 45 

Psa.  I 28    60.  5-12 40, 68 

1.  1 7i 

1.2 17,7i 

1.3 26 

1.6 25 

2 28 

2.  I 71 

2.  2 26 

2.6 17 

2.  12 71 

346 


71.  10.  . 

68 

72.  2O 

.  -10 

7-1.  I  .  . 

44 

62 

76  i  

.  44 

80  

28 

,  44 

Q6.  I  .  . 

,  44 

103  .  . 

.  45 

INDEX 


PAGE 

Psa.  107 28 

108 40,67 

in 31 

112 31 

119 28,31 

121.  1-4 18 

122 53 

122.  i 45 

129 77 

133 28 

134 28 

137 53 

137-4 59 

139 55 

I44-. 45 

H5 3i 

Prov.  i.  i 105 

8 98,  150 

10.  i 17, 105 

IS-  17 17 

19-7 99 

22.  17 105 

24.23 105 

24-  30-34 86 

25.  I 102,117 

26.  4 18 

30.  1 103, 105 

31-  I 104,105 

31-  10-31 105 

Eccl.  I.  I 222 

I.  2 214 

I.  12 222 

I.  16 223 

7.  16-18 225 

12.  8 214 

12.  13,  14 218,219 

12.  13 229 

Song  of  Songs  I.  i 165 

Isa.  5.  1-7 88 

5.21 87 

9.  8-21 90 

13.  17 267 


PAGE 

Isa.  15.  i 17 

26. 19 157,280 

44.28 307 

Jer.  8.  8-13 87 

9.  23 no 

10.  i 113 

Jer.  18.  18 112 

20.  14-18 154 

25.  i 113,265 

25.  12 307 

31-29 87 

36.9 265 

51.  ii 267 

Lam.  I.I 23 

i-4 31 

Ezek.  14.  14 125,  278 

14.20 125,278 

16 88 

17 88 

23 88 

28.  3 278 

Dan.  i.  4 286 

2.  4 267,286 

2.  18 272 

3-5 270 

4.  26 272 

8.  14 273 

10.  13 279 

10.  20 279 

10.  21 279 

11.  25-39 268 

11-45 273 

12.  I 279 

12.  2 157,280 

Amos  3.  6 89 

4.  6-1 1 90 

5-23 58 

Nah.  i 31 

Hab.  i.  i  to  2.  5 90 

3-  17 27 

Zech.  3 141,156 

Mai.  2.  17 92, 114, 156 


347 


INDEX 

PAGE  PAGE 

Mai.  2. 17  to  4.  3 91  John  9.  2 114 

3.  7-12 92  2  Thess.  2.  1-12 259 

3.  13  to  4.  3 92  Heb.  II.  33,34 259 

3-14 156  Judeg 280 

Matt.  25.  15 259      Rev.  8.  2 280 


348 


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